Letters to the President

During the Civil War, writing to the president was not as easy as it is today. The literacy rates in the United States were lower and postage rates were much higher, with delivery taking much longer. But during the Civil War, unlike today, correspondents would likely have received a handwritten reply, either from Lincoln or Davis himself, or from a member of their staffs. An examination of the content of the letters to the two presidents reflects the attitudes of citizens at the time of the Civil War, and demonstrates their attempts to communicate with their government officials.

Writing to Abraham Lincoln

Many of the letters written by Northerners to President Lincoln are known as "open letters," a common form of literature during the nineteenth century. These were published letters written to one or more people. Many unpublished letters are available at archives and libraries across the nation as well. In some cases, these letters reflected racial attitudes still present at the time of the war. Particularly, some writers expressed views sympathetic with the colonization movement to return African Americans to Africa and establish colonies for them there. One such letter, written by James Mitchell, encourages President Lincoln to influence the branches of government to speed up the process, "to produce the separation of those races, the removal of the colored race to a proper locality, and establishment in independence there" (Mitchell 1862, p. 3). Mitchell also expresses his fear of an eventual race war, especially if the Lincoln government does not adopt colonization, and notes the issues that will arise from the 4.5 million persons "who, whilst among us, cannot be of us," reflecting the racism prevalent in the nation at the time (Mitchell 1862, p. 4).

Joseph Scoville also wrote to Lincoln, among other prominent Union leaders, regarding the issue of colonization. In his letter he notes how Union forces began confiscating slaves of Confederates. In addition, Scoville expresses his hope that the Southern people will realize their error and rejoin the Union (Scoville 1862, p. 3). Scoville then launches into a long examination of the question of what ought to be done with confiscated slaves, proffering three possibilities: (1) that the slaves should be re-enslaved; (2) that they should be apprenticed; or (3) that they should all be freed at once. Scoville argues that re-enslavement is not an option because it would be a great mark of shame on the country, and that apprenticing confiscated slaves would maintain the slaves' manhood and prepare them for freedom with education (Scoville 1862, p. 4).

President Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation prompted some soldiers to write to him, either expressing their opposition to it, or appealing to him to address their grievances over the Union army's confiscation of their slaves. Those affected by the confiscation of slaves often were residents of the border states that had remained loyal to the Union, and in some cases, were themselves serving in the Union army. One such case was of Marcellus Mundy, who was both a Kentucky slaveholder and a commander of a Kentucky regiment of the Union army. Mundy wrote to Lincoln to inform him that he had not only suffered at the hands of the Confederates, but also that a Union regiment from Michigan had taken his slaves and those of his neighbors into their own lines, even while Mundy was in command of Union troops. In his letter Mundy details the personal sacrifices that he made to serve in the army, and declares that although he agrees with the confiscation of the slaves of Confederates, if he were president, he would make sure not to trample on the rights of those who remained loyal to the Union. Finally, Mundy expresses his faith in Lincoln and his willingness, as a soldier, to execute the orders of the president (Berlin, Fields, Miller, et al. 1992, pp. 82–83).

African Americans also wrote letters to President Lincoln. Some were slaves' requests to be freed; others were from black soldiers pressing for equal treatment with regard to pay and usage. Some were pleas from relatives of black Union soldiers over the issue of mistreatment of captured black soldiers by Confederates. For example, several letters were presented to Lincoln by Richard Boyle, a black schoolteacher, on behalf of blacks residing in a contraband camp on Roanoke Island in North Carolina. The letters aired grievances about abuse in Union captivity and pressed for the soldiers' rights. The letters express the willingness of the former slaves to serve the Union cause and work hard, but complain that they do not want to be trampled upon by Union officials (Berlin, Fields, Miller, et al. 1992, pp. 222–224).

President Lincoln's Letters

Lincoln occasionally wrote to Americans, usually about their losses in the war. The most famous example is his letter to Mrs. Bixby, who lost five sons in the war. President Lincoln's letter is as follows:

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 21, 1864.

Mrs. Bixby, Boston, Massachusetts:

Dear Madam: I have been shown in the files of the War Department a statement of the Adjutant-General of Massachusetts that you are the mother of five sons who have died gloriously on the field of battle. I feel how weak and fruitless must be any words of mine which should attempt to beguile you from the grief of a loss so overwhelming. But I cannot refrain from tendering to you the consolation that may be found in the thanks of the Republic they died to save. I pray that our Heavenly Father may assuage the anguish of your bereavement, and leave you only the cherished memory of the loved and lost, and the solemn pride that must be yours to have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the altar of freedom. Yours very sincerely and respectfully, Abraham Lincoln. (1864)

Although this letter may have been of little comfort to Mrs. Bixby, it illustrates that the president cared enough about the people and the suffering of the nation to express his condolences for their sacrifice to the Union.

Writing to Jefferson Davis

Southerners wrote to their leader as well. William Lee wrote to Jefferson Davis to express his concern about the absence of the men in his area who had large families to support—these families would suffer if the men had to leave to serve in the Confederate army. He also expresses his fear about slaves revolting in his area, and requests that Davis either remove all black men over age seventeen to holding areas (he argues for forting them up), or press them into the army (Berlin, Fields, Miller, et al. 1992, p. 4). Lee's second suggestion is particularly interesting, given the racist views prevalent in the nation and the hesitance to enlist blacks, even in the North.

William Lee was not the only Southerner who argued for the enlistment of blacks into the Confederate army, though his was the earliest written account. Most calls for such measures came when Southerners realized that they were losing the war, and that black soldiers would be one last gamble at success. O. G. Eiland of Mississippi wrote to President Davis only weeks after the fall of Vicksburg in July 1863, arguing that the only chance for the Confederates to succeed was "to call out every able bodied Negro man from the age of sixteen to fifty years old." He added, rather optimistically, that these men would gladly and willingly join the army, and that masters would gladly provide their slaves. Eiland even argued that the slaves would prefer the Confederate army to the Union army (Berlin, Fields, Miller, et al. 1992, pp. 132–133).

Another letter that called for the enlistment of blacks when times became desperate for the Confederacy was written by a Mr. F. Kendall of Georgia. Kendall wrote the letter soon after the fall of Atlanta in September 1864. He wrote the Southern president, exclaiming, "Is it not time now to enlist the negroes?" He notes his support for the idea ever since the Union began the practice of enlisting blacks, arguing that it is the only sure way to augment the army, and warns that many in his area have become so disillusioned with the Confederacy that they would likely vote to return to the Union, even with emancipation of the slaves. Kendall cautions that if blacks are not enlisted in the Confederate army, they will surely join Sherman's force, especially with the promise of freedom and a bounty. Kendall implores Davis to call the Confederate Congress into this issue, and believes that the South could raise a large army of perhaps 100,000 blacks, which, Kendall notes, could affect the Northern election (Berlin, Fields, Miller, et al. 1992, pp. 151–152).

In some cases, when locals formed slave patrols to prevent slaves from escaping to Union lines, the patrols would be drafted into the army, prompting letters to Davis from concerned citizens. Jere Pearsall of North Carolina wrote to his president to request that the local slave patrol in his county, which he helped to oversee, not be conscripted because they had prevented slaves from escaping even as Union forces neared. He expresses his concern that the disbandment of the patrol would cause many of the local slaves to escape, and asks Davis to keep the patrol in the area even if they are conscripted into the army so that they can continue to perform their vital function (Berlin, Fields, Miller et al. 1992, pp. 142–143).

Other Southerners wrote to President Davis to protest Southern governmental officials' impressment of slaves that seemed to benefit planter-heavy counties and neglect the poorer areas. For instance, several citizens from Randolph County, Alabama, signed a letter to Davis appealing to him to review the policy of impressing blacks. They argue that the local officials were taking too many blacks away, leading to food shortages and other negative effects on the agriculture of the county (Berlin, Fields, Miller, et al. 1992, pp. 148–151). Several residents in Sussex County, Virginia, wrote to Davis around the time of the siege of Petersburg, Virginia (June 1864 to March 1865), asking for the suspension of impressments. They argued that for every slave called up by the government, the Union would gain several more by way of escape. In addition, like the correspondents from of Randolph County, Alabama, they note the possibility of agricultural hardships should slaves be impressed into military service (Berlin, Fields, Miller, et al. 1992, pp. 153–154). Overall, these letters illustrate the willingness of Confederate citizens to call on their leader for assistance, as well as the dire situation in the South in the later stages of the war.

President Davis's Letters

Jefferson Davis also occasionally wrote to citizens regarding losses sustained in the war. For instance, in a letter written to James Howry, Davis expresses his appreciation for the sacrifices made by the Howry family in the war. Davis specifically asks that his compliments be presented to Howry's wife "for her patriotic devotion" (Davis 1863). However, it seems that Davis did not write to his people as often as Lincoln did.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Berlin, Ira, Barbara J. Fields, Steven F. Miller, et al., eds. Free at Last: A Documentary History of Slavery, Freedom, and the Civil War. New York: New Press, 1992.

Davis, Jefferson. "Letter to James M. Howry, 27 August 27, 1863." Available from http://jeffersondavis.rice.edu/.

Lincoln, Abraham. "Letter to Mrs. Bixby, 1864." Internet Modern History Sourcebook, Fordham University. Available from http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/.

Mitchell, James. "Letter on the Relation of the White and African Races in the United States: Showing the Necessity of the Colonization of the Latter." Washington, DC, 1862.

Scoville, Joseph Alfred. "What Shall Be Done with the Confiscated Negroes?: The Question Discussed and a Policy Proposed in a Letter to Hon. Abraham Lincoln, Gen." United States, 1862.

Daniel Sauerwein