BALTIC RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW

Latvians, Lithuanians, and Old Prussians constitute the Baltic language and cultural unit. The Old Prussians, who lived in the territory of the present-day Kaliningrad district and eastern Germany, were conquered during the period of eastward German expansionism from the ninth to the fourteenth century. They were assimilated progressively and disappeared completely in the seventeenth century. Latvians and Lithuanians have preserved their national identities to this day. At one time or another since the Crusades of the eleventh century, all these peoples have been subject to German, Polish, Russian, and Swedish colonization. This fact is of special significance since it has affected our understanding of the elements of the ancient religious systems that have been preserved. As colonies, the three national groups were subject to extensive political and economic exploitation. Although formally Christianized, they continued their traditional ways of religious life despite colonial restrictions.

The Baltic peoples have inhabited their present territory from the middle of the second millennium bce. At that time, however, their territory extended farther east, to Moscow, and southwest, across the banks of the Vistula. Living on the fringe of eastern Europe, they were virtually unknown to the West, and thus were able to remain relatively untouched by the influence of Christianity up to the seventeenth century. As early as the first millennium bce, these isolated peoples, untouched by foreign developments, had developed from a hunting and fishing culture to an agrarian one. The structure of agrarian society and its routine determined the development of the belief system and the structure of cultic life.

The Baltic peoples came to the attention of European linguists at the end of the eighteenth century. These linguists were especially interested in the Vedic language and literature of ancient India. In their attempt to build a bridge to the living European languages, they discovered that the closest European affinity to the Vedic language—both etymologically and, to some extent, lexically—existed with the Baltic language group, especially Lithuanian. (Comparative linguists of the twentieth century, such as Alois Walde, Julius Pokorny, Antoine Meillet, and Hans Krahe, have devoted particular attention to Baltic languages.) Interest in the languages generated interest in the ethnogenesis of the Baltic peoples. This subject fascinated scholars as late as the nineteenth century. It became apparent that the geographic isolation of these peoples had not only allowed, but had furthered, an unhindered and uninterrupted development free from external influence. But their rather late appearance in the European arena and their previous isolation have fostered a great deal of guesswork about their linguistic and ethnic origins and kinships. Until recent times there has been great confusion on this subject. The Baltic languages were often erroneously classified as Slavic, although linguists (e.g., Jānis Endzelīns, Wolfgang Schmid, and Vladimir Toporov) had long known that they are no more closely related to the Slavic language group than to the Germanic or any other Indo-European language group originating from their common Indo-European base, whereas the Estonian language belongs to the Finno-Ugrian language group and has a completely different history behind it.

Any investigation of the Baltic religion must touch upon the central problem of sources, of which there are three types: archaeological evidence, folklore, and historical documents. The archaeological evidence can easily be surveyed since these peoples have always lived in the same region. Excavations have unearthed artifacts from the second millennium bce that present a clear picture of material culture, though not of religious life. (On the territory of Latvia, archaeologists Jānis Graudonis, Ēvalda Mugurēvičs, Juris Urtāns, Raisa Deņisova, Ilga Zagorska, Egīls Šņore, and Anna Zariņa discovered important artifacts during the 1990s). There is no evidence of gods and their cults. The burial rites and belief systems connected with these rites have been carefully researched by such scholars as Marija Gimbutas and Francis Balodis, but evidence from historical documents is meager. The earliest documents are from the tenth century, when Germans and Danes attacked the eastern shore of the Baltic Sea. There is mention of contact with the Balts but little further information. The situation remained almost unchanged up to the beginning of the seventeenth century, when more elaborate descriptions were written by leading clergymen, including, for example, Paul Einhorn and certain Jesuit priests.

Despite the dearth of archaeological evidence and historical documentation, the folklore materials of these peoples is one of the richest in all of Europe. Songs (dainas ), stories, tales, proverbs, and beliefs have been recorded. The diversity of these sources has, however, proved to be a stumbling block, because each type of source has required a particular investigatory method. As a result, objective investigation of Baltic religion was slow to come. At first, there was a tendency to approach the topic ideologically, from both Christian and Marxist points of view. Then, during the period of national awakening in the latter half of the nineteenth century, came a tendency to create pseudo-gods and figments of imagination, as well as an attempt to raise the national consciousness of the former colonial nations by finding "precedents" in the primary ethnic tradition. Scholarship since the 1960s (e.g., that of Jonas Balys, Marija Gimbutas, Lena Neuland, and Haralds Biezais) has become more scientifically accurate.

Sky Gods

Of all the Baltic gods in heaven, the most prominent is Dievs. Linguists agree that etymologically the Latvian name Dievs (Lithuanian, Dievas; Old Prussian, Deivas) has common origin with the names of such gods as the ancient Indian Dyaus and the Greek Zeus, which are in turn derived from the Indo-European root *dyeu - and its derivatives. The meaning of words derived from this root is "the heavens." Older scholarship sought to establish a semantic connection between this root and the daytime sky or light, but this contention lacks proof, and one must therefore assume that the meaning "the heavens" is more precise, as Grace Hopkins (1932) has argued. The original identity of Dievs then becomes clearer from his name. The nature of, and the psychological motives behind, the god's development from a phenomenon of nature to a personification and, later, to a personal god is, however, a source of contention. Despite these uncertainties, it is clear that Dievs is closely connected with the heavens.

The first written evidence of the Baltic gods comes from "Germania" by the Roman historian Tacitus (55–120 ce) where he mentions that "aists" (Balts) worship the Mother of gods (mater deorum). In "Rhymed Chronicles" (Livlaendische Reimchronik, 1290) the god of thunder Perkun is mentioned as being of highest authority.

Cardinal Valenti in his chronicles written in 1604 and based greatly on "Statuta provincialia consilii Rigensis" (1428) provided the evidence that the Balts worshiped a god of heaven: "Credono un Dio Supremo, che chiamano Tebo Deves" ("They believe in a high god, called Tebo Deves"). Tebo Deves is a corrupted form of debess dievs ("sky god"). That same year the Jesuit Janis Stribins, in his discussion of ancient Latvian religion, noted that the Balts claim "Habemus Deum q[ui] habetet [sic] curam coeli" ("We have a god, who in the sky takes care"). The pantheon of ancient Baltic gods is also described by Einhorn in his "History of Latvia" (Historia Lettica, 1649). Though these documents offer only fragmentary evidence, they do show that the Balts worshiped a god of heaven (Dievs). Folklore materials, which allow one to delve deeper into the essence, function, and attributes of this god, support the claim.

The anthropomorphic character of Dievs has been carefully described and compared to that of other divinities. He is clad in a silver overcoat, gray jacket, and hat; he is girded with a decorated belt and wears mittens; and in certain situations he also has a sword, though this is probably a later development. His dress resembles that of a prosperous farmer.

That Dievs has his abode in the heavens is self-evident from his name. The heavens resemble a mountain, and this mountain is his farm. Herein lies one of the peculiarities of Baltic religion. The gods are closely associated with horses, and horses have a special significance in the activities of Dievs: he appears as a horseman and often rides in a chariot down the mountain. It appears that in this association with horses the motifs of very ancient Indo-European myths have been preserved.

The homestead of Dievs consists of several buildings. In addition to the house there are stalls and barns for horses and cows, a threshing barn for drying grain, a storage room, and a sauna. The sources make no mention of castles, which are very common in other religions. From the configuration of the homestead one can conclude that Dievs oversees a large farmstead: the buildings are encircled by large fields, meadows, and forests. Dievs needs the help of the members of his own family, especially his sons, the number of whom varies, to work this farm, but others participate in the labors as well, plowing, harrowing, planting, and reaping the grain and hay. Special attention is devoted to the cultivation of hops and barley, from which beer is brewed. (Beer, the "drink of the gods," is the traditional drink of Baltic sacral feasts.) The inhabitants of the heavenly mountain not only work together, they celebrate feasts together, especially marriages, and they gather together in the sauna.

Indo-European creator gods are usually so mighty and distant that they retreat to a realm removed from humans and turn into a type of god referred to as deus otiosus (god at leisure). Other gods, whose function is to monitor the daily lives of humans, take their place. This is not, however, the case in the religion of the Balts. Instead, the Baltic gods follow an agricultural way of life that corresponds to that of the Baltic farmer. This is not only a formal analogy. Dievs, who dwells in heaven, is a neighbor of the farmer on earth. At times of the most important decisions, the farmer meets and consults with Dievs, just as farmers meet and consult among themselves. Dievs rides down on a horse or, more frequently, in his chariot. These visitations coincide with key events in the agricultural calendar and represent cyclic time perception.

Dievs usually appears in the spring, at the beginning of the agricultural year. His participation in planting is described in beautiful myths. He accompanies the farmer and advises him so that the field will be evenly sown. When the horses are led out to the first night watch, he accompanies the farmer, accepts his due in the sacral feast, and spends the entire night with the farmer, tending the fire and protecting the horses. In many of the planting myths, Dievs leaves the night watchers after sunrise but forgets his mittens. Dievs has an even more significant role in the fall, after the harvest and threshing. Once again a sacral meal is shared and Dievs participates in ecstatic song and dance. At these times the boundary between the transcendental god and the earthbound farmer becomes blurred.

From time to time, Indo-European gods display universal qualities, which are revealed in creation stories and in myths describing the establishment of the world order, including individual and societal norms of morality. The role of Dievs as creator is expressed in the words laist (to give birth to), likt (to determine fate), and dot (to provide for), all of which are words that describe his function. Everything is the creation of Dievs and corresponds to this threefold activity. The act of creation is final and unalterable, and the same is true of the world order. Human beings are subject to the laws of nature as they were ordained in the act of creation. Dievs, therefore, in his function as creator, is almighty. Humans are subject to fate, especially in the realm of morality, but this does not lead to resignation and quietism, although such moods exist as undeniable undercurrents in Baltic religion. Humans accept the moral laws of the universe as set down by Dievs as a framework for his life. Within this framework, however, human beings are free to determine and order their lives in concordance with their moral outlook and practical needs; therefore, they experience freedom of choice and assume responsibility for their actions. Human morality is practically determined: human beings must do all to further their well-being, and "the good" is whatever aids them in achieving this goal.

The cult of Dievs is not so formalized as are the cults of gods of heaven in other religions. As we have seen, Dievs actively participates at the most important junctures in the life of the farmer. He even shares in the sacrificial feasts, but there is no evidence that goods were sacrificed to him in order to ensure his benevolence. That can be concluded only indirectly. One can best describe the nature and function of Dievs metaphorically: he is the neighbor of the farmer, the grand farmer living on the mount of heaven.

A second important god of heaven is Saule, the personification of the sun. This name is also derived from an Indo-European root (sauel -, and variants). Unlike personifications of the sun in other traditions, Saule is a female deity. Saule is close to Sūrya of the Vedic tradition, where Sūrya is the feminine counterpart to the masculine sun god, although proof for this contention is not conclusive. There could be other explanations for the feminine gender of Saule, such as the fact that the sun is usually a female deity for people living in the north, where the climate is mild and nourishing, while further to the south, where the climate is more harsh, the sun god takes on a neutral gender (as in Russian), and becomes masculine even farther south. In Latvian tradition Saule dwells with the moon god Mēness, who is masculine and who requires a feminine counterpart. In certain situations Saule is also referred to as Saules māte (mother sun) and as Saules meita (daughter of the sun).

Descriptions of Saule's appearance are incomplete. A white shawl and one or more silver brooches, which secure the shawl, are mentioned in the sources. Occasionally she wears a wreath. Otherwise she appears in peasant dress. If the texts are vague about Saule's appearance, they do provide insight into her life both on the mount of heaven and in the midst of the farmers during their labors and festivals. She is the personification of gaiety, especially at the betrothal of her daughters, when all the gods of heaven join in her rejoicing. But there are also times of discord. Conflicts with the farmer arise as a result of harm done by the Dieva dēli (sons of god) to the Saules meitas (daughters of the sun) during play. The most frequent cause of this discord is the destruction of the latter's playthings. More serious conflicts arise between Saule and Dievs when the Dieva dēli remove the rings of the Saules meitas. This is part of an ancient betrothal tradition, during which the girl is abducted. Then for three days Saule and Dievs accuse one another of wrongdoing. Saule also has conflicts with other gods of heaven, especially Pērkons (thunder). She lives the life of an ordinary landlady and oversees her daughters' spinning and weaving, but after her linen has been put in the sun to dry, Pērkons comes and ruins the work with rain, and so Saule has good reason to be angry. Apart from these minor conflicts, harmony reigns on the mount of heaven. Saule provides sunlight and brightness for the others. The gods' harmony in the common labors, in love, and in gaiety can easily be compared to that of the Olympian gods.

Saule and Dievs are neighbors, and both oversee their farmsteads. Saule also has her own horses; in this she is similar to Apollo, who is depicted in frescoes with his chariot and four horses. Sometimes she rides across the sky in her chariot; she also crosses the sea in a boat. The steersman and oarsmen are her servants. Saule begins her ride at dawn and finishes at sundown, when the oars are thrown into the boat and the passengers disembark. At times, however, Saule begins her boat ride in the evening, and rides in the night unseen. This latter myth gives rise to the question of the Baltic conception of the form of the universe. As we have seen, the heavens have the form of a mountain. They are subject to the same laws of nature as the earth is, but only gods may dwell there. The belief that Saule travels by boat as well as by chariot indicates some kind of connection between the sea and the heavens.

The Balts do not appear to be overly concerned about the composition of the world, or at least no trustworthy record of such speculation has been found. The universe, however, is assigned two levels: the heavens and the earth. This becomes evident when one looks closely at several word forms. The word for "world" is pasaule (Latvian), a compound form consisting of pa and saule. Saule, the substantive, means "the sun"; with the prefix pa it means "below the sun." Thus pasaule means "everything that is under the sun." The adjectival form is pasaulīgs, meaning "profane" or "not sacred." A synonym for pasaule is šīsaule, a compound that is formed with the demonstrative pronoun šī and means "all that can be seen in sunlight." The antithesis of šīsaule is viņasaule, a compound that is formed with the demonstrative pronoun viņa and implies all that is still in the realm of the sun but cannot be seen.

This dualistic worldview is at the base of Baltic religion. The tradition concerning Saule's traveling developed further and is crucial to the Baltic understanding of death. Saule travels by chariot or by boat in the visible world during the day, but in the invisible one at night. Similarly, the dead continue to live a life in the invisible world, just as the sun does at night. The land of the dead is located just beyond the horizon, in the place where the sun sets.

In addition to the concepts of the mountain of heaven and the dualistic cosmos there is in the Baltic myths a saules koks (tree of the sun). It grows on the mount of heaven and is often referred to as an oak, a linden, or an apple tree. The difference between this tree and common trees on earth is symbolized by its gold or silver color. No mortal has ever seen this tree, although many youths have set out to search for it, only to return unsuccessfully in old age. A magical round object, often compared to a pea or an apple, rolls down its branches. The saules koks on the mount of heaven is one of the oldest elements of Baltic religion. It seems that this tree is the "center of the world," as Mircea Eliade has pointed out, but it is also the "tree of life." Whether the latter idea developed under the influence of Christianity is hard to determine. It certainly could stem from an older tradition in which Saule is the mother and source of life.

A cult surrounding Saule is not fully described in the sources. A few strands of tradition suggest her begetting and nurturing role. Similar to Dievs, she too comes down from the mountain to aid the farmer: she raises her skirt and inspects his fields. This tradition has caused some scholars to speculate about the existence of a belief that the baring of sexual organs improved fertility. The texts, however, provide inconclusive evidence. Saule could also have raised her skirt to avoid breaking or flattening the stalks. She does, at any rate, promote fertility. The result of her walk across the field is wholesome grain and a plentiful harvest.

The most significant element of the cult of Saule is the celebration of the summer solstice, in which everyone on the farmstead takes part. After the setting of the sun a fire is lit in a bucket and raised on top of a pole. A feast and dancing around the fire follow, and special songs of praise are sung. The major components of the feast are cheese and newly brewed beer. At this time shepherds become the center of attention. This has led August Bielenstein, a prominent linguist and ethnologist, to conclude that the summer solstice festival began as a celebration commemorating the breeding of livestock. The origin of this festival is obscure, but today it is a celebration of the sun. The feast continues through the entire night, lasting until dawn. Those who retire early are believed to be subject to evils and to encounter failure in the next year. This celebration of the sun is a fertility rite of sorts. The authors of Christian chronicles were especially critical of it, accusing celebrants of sexual excesses. Indeed, promiscuity is allowed during the festival and at times even encouraged. A sexual act performed in a field was believed to improve the field's fertility.

Mēness, the moon god, is also among the gods of heaven. The Latvian word for "moon," mēness (Lithuanian, menulis ; Old Prussian, menins ), derives from the Indo-European root *me -, meaning "a measure of time." The measure of time was an apt designation for Mēness, who periodically disappears from the sky and then reappears in it once again. No substantial evidence in Baltic sources proves that Mēness was originally a feminine deity. As a full-standing member of the mount of heaven, he, too, has his own farmstead there, along with his family, sons, servants, and horses. His horses are represented by the morning and evening stars. Like Saule, Mēness travels through the sky by boat, and at times he even accompanies her. He has close ties to Saule: he is her untiring suitor.

In other religions the moon has a special connection with water and fertility, but this is not true in Baltic religion. Instead, Mēness is the god of war, and the stars are his troops, which, like a true general, he counts and leads. These metaphors reveal Mēness's true function: he is worshiped before battle, and his symbol appears in insignia of war. Although Mēness is frequently mentioned in the sources, his cult, like that of the other gods, is not fully described. Only sparse evidence of it remains, and none proves that offerings were made to him. The cult disappeared completely during the period of Christianization.

The two groups identified in Latvian as Dieva dēli (sons of god) and Saules meitas (daughters of the sun) are among the most interesting of the Baltic gods of heaven. As early as 1875, Wilhelm Mannhardt observed:

Already Welcker and Preller have pointed to the close similarity between the Greek Dioscuri and the Indian Aśvins. The analogy is even closer with the Latvian Dieva Dēli found in the sun songs. The Aśvins are sons of Dyaus, heaven, divo nāpata …One can easily conclude from the Vedic texts that they are personifications of the morning and evening stars, which never appear at the same time. (Mannhardt, 1875; trans. Biezais)

Although this contention was based on scanty evidence in Mannhardt's time, additional evidence has since been gathered and analyzed. As a result, it can be shown that the Vedic Divo Napāta (i.e., the Aśvins), the Greek Dioskouroi (i.e., the Dioscuri), and the Baltic Dieva dēli are not only typologically parallel but are also historically connected. They differ only inasmuch as they developed in different cultural settings.

A closer comparison reveals some more unusual parallels. Although the discussion about the nature and function of the Vedic and Greek "sons of god" continues, the Baltic materials provide a clear answer: the Dieva dēli are the morning and evening stars. Whereas the Vedic and Greek gods represent hypostases of the differentiated functions or traits of the primary gods, this is not true of the Baltic gods. Rather, their social background is stressed, and their functions are expressed in terms of family relationships. Like the Aśvins, the Baltic "sons of god" or "sons of heaven," the Dieva dēli are the suitors of the Saules meitas, and they are their active marriage partners. There is no evidence, however, to prove that the Dieva dēli are twins, as are the Aśvins.

Just as the function of Dievs is transferred to his sons, so is the function of Saule transferred to her daughters. The Vedic Divo Duhitā (daughter of heaven), Sūryasya Duhitā (daughter of the sun), and the goddess Sūrya (the feminine aspect of the sun), like the Greek Helen (a daughter of Zeus), and Phoebe and Hilaeria (the Leucippides, daughters of Leucippus), correspond to the Baltic Saules meitas, although scholars disagree about their original connection. The designation Saules meitas is not original, since meita is a rather late loanword from German. The most ancient designation, meaning "daughter of heaven," has been preserved in Lithuanian, dieva dukryte. This designation might refer to dawn, as do the names of the Vedic goddess Ušas and the Greek goddess Ēōs.

Heavenly nuptials are central to Baltic myths about heaven. Dievs, Mēness, or Pērkons may be the bridegroom, and Saule is the bride. For linguistic reasons, in some contexts it is hard to determine who participates in the marriage, Saule or her daughter, for Saule is regarded as a maiden and is sometimes referred to as Saules meita. However, this circumstance does not alter the marriage procedure. A peculiarity of the event is that all the gods take part, each performing his or her specific role, which can be traced to ancient Baltic marriage traditions. The abduction and auctioning of the bride is an integral part of the ritual. The ceremony concludes with a feast of song and dance on the mount of heaven. Scholars have observed that these elements establish a connection with an old stratum of Indo-European marriage traditions.

The most unusual part of the marriage ceremony is the gathering of the gods in the sauna, which, as mentioned above, is a part of the heavenly farmstead. (Baltic ethnographic traditions reveal that the sauna was a place not only for washing but also for birthing and for sacral feasting. The Baltic sauna had the same status as a holy place or precinct, like a church in the Christian tradition.) Folklore materials reveal the procedure by which gods prepare the sauna: a fire is lit, special birch whisks are brought in, and water is drawn. The gods split up these chores, with lesser gods performing special tasks. The gathering of gods has special significance, since this is not just an occasion for bathing but also the preparation for a wedding. Special attention is paid to the Saules meitas, who await the Dieva dēli, their suitors. In the sauna the most fitting partner is chosen. All the gods are guests in the sauna, not owners of it. The matron of the sauna, Pirts māte (sauna mother), is the hostess. Latvian peasants have traditionally prepared offerings to her to guarantee her benevolence at the time of birthing. After the visit to the sauna, members of the farmstead left a whisk and a vessel with clean water so that Pirts māte could also bathe.

The gods of heaven described above correspond roughly to other Indo-European gods. They are especially similar to the Vedic and Greek gods, but they also have some unique qualities and functions that developed in the Baltic social structure. The primitive world of Baltic farmers is reflected in the conceptions and functions of their gods.

Gods of Prosperity and Welfare

As one can see from an analysis of the essence and function of the Baltic gods, it is clear that they were an integral part of the daily life cycle. This is especially true of a particular group of gods whose special function was to protect and guarantee the welfare of humans. These gods can be subdivided into two groups: fertility gods and determiners of fate. The most prominent of the second group is Laima, whose name means "fortune." She occupies a central place among the Baltic gods, but unlike the gods of heaven, she is not removed from the realm of human activity; she lives on earth and is involved in the minutest details of everyday life. Kārta, another goddess of fate, fulfills similar functions and has evolved into an independent hypostasis. Her name, derived from the verb kārt (to hang), is proof of this. Laima's most basic function is to determine and fix the birth of a child, which involved hanging a cradle, as ethnographic traditions show. From this function developed an independent goddess, Kārta, and with her an entire cult. Under the influence of the Christian church her function was assumed by Saint Thecla (Latvian, Dēkla).

The major fertility goddess is Zeme (Lithuanian, Žemýna), a very different type of goddess. Her name means "earth," and she is commonly referred to as Zemes māte (earth mother, mother of the earth). She plays a variety of roles that, over time, have developed into independent hypostases; tradition has it that she has seventy sisters. Some of them have very special functions, indicated by their descriptive names: Dārzu māte (mother of the garden), Lauku māte (mother of the fields), Meža māte (mother of the forest), and Linu māte (mother of flax). These descriptive names point to a specific place or plant that is under each mother's protection. The same is true of Lazdu māte (mother of the hazel), Sēņu māte (mother of mushrooms), and Briežu māte (mother of elk). The role of each particular mother is expanded: they are transformed from purely fertility goddesses to protectors in general, as indicated by such names as Pirts māte (mother of the sauna), Uguns māte (mother of fire), and Pieguļas māte (mother of the night watch). Morphologically related are the goddesses designated as Nāves māte (mother of death), Kapu māte (mother of the grave), Smilšu māte (mother of sand), and Veļu māte (mother of the dead). In many names the word māte is used to mean not only "mother" but also "goddess," as in, for example, the names Saules māte and Laimas māte, designating the mother goddess of the sun and the mother goddess of fortune.

The question of the character and role of these mothers has not been adequately investigated. Two schools of thought are current. One maintains that the development of the mothers is a thoroughly Baltic phenomenon; the other (upheld by Jonas Balys) maintains that it occurred under the influence of the cult of the Virgin Mary. If the mothers are judged by their functions, it must be concluded that they are closely connected with the annual agricultural cycle and that, as guarantors of fertility in the fields and for livestock, they are an outgrowth of the Christian church. It must be noted, however, that many of the mothers—among them, those designated as Vēja māte (mother of the wind), Ziedu māte (mother of blossoms), and Dzīparu māte (mother of colored wool)—are the products of poetic fantasy. These lack any cult and are the products of mythopoetic processes.

The annual reports of the Society of Jesus contain many references to pagan traditions among the Balts against which the Jesuits waged war. One such report from the beginning of the seventeenth century mentions Ceroklis, a god whose name is derived from the verb cerot, meaning "to sprout several stalks [ceri ] from one seed or root." This name, suggestive of grains such as rye and wheat, implies a bountiful harvest. One must assume that from this natural process the god Ceroklis, a fertility god, developed.

A special fertility god is Jumis. The etymological connection between his name and the Vedic stem is not clear. The name could be related to yama (pair, or twins) or to yuti (conjunction, or connection). But the differences overshadow the connections between these terms. In Baltic religion the meaning of the word jumis is clear: two ears of grain, stalks of flax, or vines or branches bearing fruit that have grown together. Therefore the god with this name is the one who brings a double dose of fertility. After reaping, the final sheaf is completed and designated as Jumis, the god of fertility of the field. If the final sheaf is not reaped, the uncut ears of grain are bound or weighed down by a rock. Whether the sheaf is cut or not, the basic rationale is the same: the sign of fertility is left intact in the field. With this sign, thanks are expressed and the next year's grain harvest is guaranteed. Jumis is believed to remain in the field and to hibernate below the sod or underneath a rock. Around him an entire cultic ritual has developed. The abandoning of Jumis in the field is accompanied by song and dance, a cultic feast, and offerings, which continue inside the house when the reapers return home. The final sheaf may also be brought home, and Jumis can be put to rest either in the granary or in the form of a wreath in a central place within the living quarters. The grain of this wreath is mixed with the grain to be planted in the spring. Jumis has many of the same functions as the fertility gods of other religions, and his rituals resemble theirs.

It can be concluded that Baltic religion has two major conceptions of gods. One concerns the gods of heaven and their various functions. They are personifications and deifications of certain processes of nature, but they are also determined by the social structure of the farmstead and the daily life of the farmer. The farmer acquires the foundation for all of his life from the sky god Dievs. The other concept is closely connected with the life cycle and welfare of the individual. The gods associated with this concept determine the fate of humans from birth to death. This aspect is very practically determined: humans regard the gods as their equals, as beings with whom they can discuss problems but whom they can also censure. Nevertheless a total equality is never developed, since humans remain dependent on the gods. The gods do what humans cannot. For this reason the gods become universalized, and moral qualities are attributed to them. At the center of this religious moral system is the idea of the good, described in terms of the social context on a cosmic level.

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Biezais, Haralds. "Baltische Religion." In Germanische und baltische Religion, edited by Åke Ström and Haralds Biezais, pp. 307–391. Stuttgart, Germany, 1965.

Biezais, Haralds. Die himmlische Götterfamilie der alten Letten. Uppsala, Sweden, 1972.

Biezais, Haralds. Lichtgott der alten Letten. Uppsala, Sweden, 1976. The works listed in this volume are surveys of Baltic religion based on critical analyses of the sources.

Brastiņš, Ernests. Latvju dievadziesmas. 2d ed. Würzburg, Germany, 1947. A selected collection of dainas (songs) concerning the sky god Dievs.

Clemen, Carl C., ed. Fontes historiae religionum primitivarum, praeindogermanicum, indogermanicum minus notarum. Bonn, Germany, 1936. A collection of selected Greek and Roman sources.

Dunbavin, Paul. Picts and Ancient Britons: An Exploration of Pictish Origins. Long Eaton, U.K., 1998.

Gaižutis, Algirdas, ed. Senoves baltu simboliai. Vilnius, 1992. Symbols of ancient Balts.

Gimbutas, Marija. The Balts. London, 1963. See pages 179–204 for a short, popular survey of Baltic religion.

Hopkins, Grace Sturtevant. Indo-European *Deiwos and Related Words. Philadelphia, 1932. A valuable etymological and semantic study of names of Indo-European sky gods.

Ivinskis, Zenonas. Senoves lietuviuh religijos bibliografija. Kaunas, Lithuania, 1938. The best complete bibliography of Baltic religion up to 1938.

Johansons, Andrejs. Der Schirmherr des Hofes im Volksglauben der Letten. Stockholm, 1964. Valuable as a collection of material, but the speculative construction of "house god" is false.

Kokare, Elza. Latviešu galvenie mitoloģiskie tēli folkloras atveidē. Riga, Latvia, 1996. Major Latvian mythological figures as depicted in folklore.

Kursīte, Janīna. Latviešu folklora mītu spogulī. Riga, Latvia, 1996. Latvian folklore as reflected by myth.

Kursīte, Janīna. Mītiskais folklorā, literatūrā, mākslā. Riga, Latvia, 1999. The mythical in folklore, literature, and art.

Mackova, Jolanta. Atraktā debess. Riga, Latvia, 1995. Latvian symbols.

Mannhardt, Wilhelm. "Die lettischen Sonnenmythen." Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 7 (1875): 73–330. Out of date but still important as a standard study of solar mythology.

Mannhardt, Wilhelm. Letto-preussische Götterlehre. Riga, Latvia, 1936. The best sourcebook on Baltic religion.

Neuland, Lena. Jumis die Fruchtbarkeitsgottheit der alten Letten. Stockholm, 1977. A basic study of the fertility cult with extensive analyses of sources and bibliography.

Pisani, Vittore. Le religioni dei Celti e dei Balto-Slavi nell'Europa precristiana. Milan, Italy, 1950. A brief comparative survey marred by linguistic shortcomings.

Rudzīte, Anta, ed. Latviešu tautas dzīvesziņa. 4 vols. Riga, Latvia, 1990. Latvian world perception.

Skrīvele, Kristīne, ed. Latvian Tales of Magic. Riga, Latvia, 2001.

Šmits, Pēteris. Latviešu tautas ticējumi. Riga, Latvia, 1941. Latvian folk beliefs.

Straubergs, Kārlis. Latviešu buramie vārdi. 2 vols. Riga, Latvia, 1939–1941. Latvian magic formulae.

Straubergs, Kārlis. Latviešu tautas paražas. Riga, Latvia, 1944. Latvian customs.

Toporov, Vladimir. Baltu mitologijos ir ritualo tyrimai: Rinktine/Toporov. Vilnius, 2000.

Velius, Norbertas. Senoves baltu pasauležiūra. Vilnius, 1983. The world perception of ancient Balts.

Velius, Norbertas. Suzeistas vejas. Vilnius, 1987. Lithuanian symbols.

Velius, Norbertas, ed. Lietuviu mitologija. Vilnius, 1997. Lithuanian mythology.

Velius, Norbertas, ed. Baltu religijos ir mitologijos šaltinai (Dictionary of Baltic religion and mythology), 4 vols. Vilnius, 1996–2001.

Zicāns, Eduards. "Die Hochzeit der Sonne und des Mondes in der lettischen Mythologie." Studia Theologica 1 (1935): 171–200. Important as a supplement to Wilhelm Mannhardt's solar mythology.

Haralds Biezais (1987)

Sigma Ankrava (2005)