Mohism

views updated

MOHISM.

Mohism is a school of thought named after its founder, Mozi (or Mo Di; c. 460–390 b.c.e.). Mozi was the first known thinker to challenge systematically the ideas of Confucius (Kong Fuzi; 551–479 b.c.e.) and his followers and to provide an alternative vision of the ideal society and state. One of the most prominent intellectual currents of the Zhanguo (Warring States; 453–221 b.c.e.) period, Mohism declined rapidly soon after the imperial unification of 221 b.c.e., to be rediscovered by modern scholars in the first decades of the twentieth century.

Sources

The Mohists' ideas are presented in a book that bears the name of the school's founder. The so-called core chapters (8–37) may have been produced during Mozi's lifetime or immediately thereafter, and are believed to reproduce his original thought. These chapters present ten major Mohist doctrines, each of which is discussed in three versions; the subdivisions are believed to reflect different traditions within the Mohist movement. Later portions of the Mozi deal with epistemological questions (chapters 40–45) and military theory (52–71) and tell anecdotes about Mozi and his disciples (46–51). These chapters were produced between the fourth and the second centuries b.c.e. by the later Mohists, reflecting major developments within the Mohist school.

The Mozi suffered considerably in the process of its transmission: no less than eighteen chapters were lost, others were significantly damaged, and almost ten chapters (1–7, and probably 38–39) are considered to be forged by later transmitters. The book was restored due to the meticulous efforts of scholars from the eighteenth century on, although proper arrangement of many portions is still subject to heated scholarly debate. Several Mohist treatises are included in the Warring States' collectanea, such as the Lüshi chunqiu (c. 240 b.c.e.); valuable information about Mohist thought is also present in the writings of the Mohists' opponents, such as Zhuangzi (fl. late fourth century b.c.e.), Xunzi (c. 298–c. 230 b.c.e.), and Han Feizi (c. 280–233 b.c.e.), as well as in the Han period texts (206 b.c.e.–220 c.e.).

Mozi

Few reliable details are known of the life of Mozi. Most scholars agree that he was a person of relatively humble origin from one of the eastern Chinese states (either Song, Qi, or Lu). Like Confucius, he traveled through neighboring states in search of better appointments, but apparently to no avail. Even more than Confucius, he succeeded as an educator and organizer, turning his followers into a tight ideological group that remained active throughout the Chinese world for almost two centuries.

Mozi's sociopolitical views are a curious blend of utopian idealism and sober pragmatism. On the utopian side Mozi promulgated the egalitarian principle of "universal love" (or "concern for everyone," jian'ai ) as a remedy to social and political fragmentation. He rejected the attachment to an individual's state and lineage, as well as to the self, suggesting instead an ideal society where all the people under Heaven would share extra labor, extra products, and proper teachings. This society would be maintained by a highly centralized state, which would implement universal surveillance to disclose deviant subjects and rectify them. The state would be ruled by a morally perfect individual, who would select his officials on the basis of their morality and then impose universal standards of benevolence (ren ) and righteousness (yi ) down to the lowest social levels. The unity, therefore, would be ideological and not only political.

On the more practical level, Mozi suggested a series of measures to improve the functioning of the state and the life of its populace in the immediate future. First, he proclaimed strong opposition to offensive wars, which he rejected both on moral grounds and as an inexcusable waste of public resources. The opposition was not only theoretical, as Mohists reportedly organized a kind of universal intervention force that promised military support to the weak states against their powerful and aggressive neighbors; this may explain the great interest displayed by later Mohists in questions of defensive warfare. Second, Mozi argued that improved livelihood would be attained only through reduction of needless expenses, such as those associated with lavish burials and extravagant ritual music. This rejection of mortuary rites and ritual music—the hallmark of the centuries-old aristocratic culture—reflects Mozi's staunch opposition to the pedigree-based social order. This opposition is prominent in the third of his major recommendations, namely the establishment of meritocratic instead of the aristocratic rule. A person's social rank and emoluments should be determined exclusively by his intellectual abilities and moral outlook: "If there is an able person even among peasants, artisans or merchants, he must be promoted, granted high rank, rich emoluments and an appointment… hence officials will not be forever noble; the people will not be forever base." "Promoting the worthy" (Shang xian ) became the hallmark of Mozi's political recommendations.

Mozi proposed triple justification for his radical departures from the established sociopolitical patterns. First, he argued that his recommendations would benefit everyone, and hence should be adopted due to purely utilitarian considerations. Second, Mozi made painstaking efforts to prove that his views reflect the true legacy of the ancient sage kings. Third, in sharp distinction to most other thinkers from the Warring States period, Mozi sought supernatural support for his claims. He argued that the moral order he advocated is in perfect accord with the intent of the supreme deity, Heaven, which "wants justice and detests injustice." Heaven is assisted in upholding universal morality by multiple deities that act as minor guardians of Heaven's intent and also constantly intervene in human affairs to punish the vicious and reward the righteous.

Scholars in China and abroad continue to disagree over whether Mozi was a true believer or a mere manipulator of the others' religious beliefs. Aside from emphatic statements in favor of Heaven's just intent, Mozi displays a more sober approach when he rejects the possibility of blind fate and calls upon humans to rely on themselves, disregarding possible extrahuman intervention in their lives. Moreover, Mozi's explicitly instrumental approach toward Heaven's intent, which he defines as a tool to judge world rulers, raises further doubts as to his piety.

Later Mohists

For several generations after Mozi's death his disciples maintained their effective organization and remained intellectually active. The focus of their interest, however, gradually shifted from sociopolitical issues to epistemological questions. Mozi was the first to display interest in modes of argumentation, proposing three criteria for the validity of his doctrines: their origins in the legacy of the ancient sage kings, their corroboration by people's everyday experience, and their usefulness in everyday affairs. Later Mohists further developed the art of argumentation, which led them to focus on many previously unexplored issues, such as logic, the relation of names to reality, the validation of knowledge in face of changing circumstances, and so on. Six chapters of the Mozi (40–45) summarize their views, remaining the richest source for the largely extinct logical approaches in ancient Chinese thought. The sophistication of Mohists' argumentation had, however, a negative impact on their school. First, the increasingly active search for abstract truth fueled ideological confrontations among the Mohists, which resulted in inevitable splits. Second, preoccupied with epistemological issues, the Mohists turned their backs on political issues, becoming partly irrelevant in contemporaneous intellectual life. As a result, although at the end of the Warring States period Mohism was still defined as "bright learning," its appeal was shrinking. From the second century b.c.e. Mohists largely disappeared from the intellectual scene, although some of their ideas, such as reducing conspicuous consumption and advancing those worthy to the top of political apparatus, had a lasting impact on Chinese thought and Chinese political culture in general.

See also Chinese Thought ; Confucianism ; Legalism, Ancient China .