Yörük

ETHNONYMS: Turkish nomadic pastoralists, Yürük

Orientation

Identification. The Yörük are an ethnic-tribal grouping found widely throughout Turkey but primarily along the Aegean and Mediterranean coasts. The Yörük are not linguistically distinct from most of the rural populations among whom they live. They speak the Western Turkish dialect of Anatolia. The term "Yörük," an ethnic designation encompassing perhaps as many as eighty-eight tribal entities, is first encountered in Ottoman accounts dating to the twelfth century, and is generally thought to be derived from the verb yürümek, "to walk." Regardless of the merits of this etymology, which is contested by some Turkish historians, it is fitting for a nomadic people moving seasonally with their flocks of sheep and goats. It should be noted that in some usages "Yörük" is synonymous with "nomad" and consequently encompasses a number of ethnic groups, most notably the Tahtacilar and the Turkmen tribes of Anatolia, from whom the Yörük have always considered themselves distinct.

Location. Historically, Yörük tribes followed the Ottoman conquests of the Balkans, Greece, Cyprus, and Crete. Today they are found almost exclusively in villages along the Aegean and Mediterranean coastal plains and the adjacent Taurus mountain range, in the southeast (where pastoralism remains important), and in scattered communities around Konya, in central Anatolia. As a nomadic people, they traditionally followed a transhumant pattern, which involved camping during the winter months along the coast (kishlak ), and moving upland into high pastures in the Taurus range during the summer (yayla ). Yayla pastures are snowbound during winter and kishlak grazing too desiccated during summer. Thus, by seasonal nomadism, they keep their herds on good grazing throughout the year, utilizing very distinct ecological zones. Those who still practice animal husbandry, mainly in Gaziantep and Maraş provinces, use trucks and tractors to move animals between pastures.

Demography. It is difficult to estimate accurately the numbers of those claiming Yörük descent in Turkey; no census has recorded such information, and estimates vary widely. The most recent estimate (1925) is 300,000. The Yörük constitute about 0.5 percent of the Turkish population. On the basis of field surveys, the Yörük population is increasing at an annual rate of around 2.6 percent.

Linguistic Affiliation. The Yörük speak the standard Anatolian dialect of Western Turkish. Turkish is one of many Ural Altaic languages: the Turkic Group of closely related modern languages—spoken by over 110 million people—includes Western Turkish, Azeri, Turkmen, Kazakh, Tartar, and Uzbek. Mongolian is much more distantly related via common descent from a "proto-Turkic" common ancestral language. Korean, Japanese, Yukagir, and (some would say) Finnish and Hungarian are even more distantly related.

History and Cultural Relations

The Yörük, according to their own accounts, which are substantiated by some documentation, were among the Turkic tribes that moved into Anatolia from Iran during the eleventh century a.d. As with similar groups, their original homeland was Central Asia. Most historians regard the Yörük as closely related to the Turkmen tribes who came in large numbers after the battle of Manzikert in 1071, but it is also likely that indigenous nomadic pastoral populations along the coast became Turkified and acquired Yörük identity during the early period of Turkish rule in Anatolia. The Yörük, like other Anatolian populations—but unlike the Turkmen and related populations of Iran and Central Asia—have predominantly Caucasian features. As early as the reign of Bayezid 1 (1389-1402), there are accounts of Yörük tribes in Macedonia, Thrace, and elsewhere in the Balkans. Following the conquest of Cyprus by Selim II (1564-1574), Yörük groups moved to that island, where they may be found today as settled villagers. The Yörük tribes followed early conquests as sappers, transport corps, and soldiers. Even as late as the eighteenth century, Yörük tribal leaders supplied the Ottoman government 52,000 troops. During the late nineteenth century, substantial numbers of Yörük moved to southeastern Turkey, the ethnic makeup of which is otherwise predominantly Kurdish and Arabic. Today the Yörük, while retaining strong pride in their identity, clearly consider themselves part of the mainstream of Turkish history and sharply distinguish themselves from other ethnic groups among whom they may live, for example, Alevi, Tahtacilar, Gypsies, Kurds, Circassians, Arabs, and Turkmen.

Settlements

The Yörük were traditionally tent-dwelling, nomadic pastoralists who moved on a fairly regular schedule between highland (yayla) and lowland (kishlak) pastures. The settlement system comprised camp groups of families, usually close agnates, the size of which varied according to available grazing, social relations, and, in some cases, defense. It was rare for a household to camp alone. In the southeast, where the last significant populations of pastoralists were migrating with flocks of sheep and camels (for transport) as recently as 1979, winter camp groups ranged from two to six households and summer camps from five to twenty-five. The tents are of goat hair woven into rectangular panels that are stitched together to form a cover, which is supported by three poles, one at either end and one in the middle. To this structure, side panels of the same material are added and the entire tent is held in place by woven guy ropes and stakes. Internally, the tent is organized around the central division marked by the hearth. One side is primarily used to receive guests, for male socializing, and eating; the other, primarily the domain of women, is where food is prepared. Village-dwelling Yörük, like other Anatolian peoples, usually organize their houses in a somewhat similar fashion: certain areas are reserved for guests, ceremonial occasions, and male visitors, and other areas are reserved for the women of the household. The patrilocally organized household is the primary unit of social and economic organization. Each household is a unit of shared production and consumption. Separate domiciles almost always indicate separate households with separate sources of income.

Economy

Subsistence and Commercial Activities. Economic activities vary regionally. Historically, the Yörük were nomadic pastoralists specializing in goat and sheep production. In the mid-nineteenth century, agricultural development meant the restriction of grazing throughout most of their nomadic range. Many settled, taking up agriculture—in particular dry farming of mixed grains and vegetables. Yörük farmers along the fertile coastal plain have ventured into citrus production, irrigated agriculture, and commercial horticulture using greenhouses. In the Maras-Gaziantep region, cotton is a principal cash crop, but pastoralism has also remained a very profitable endeavor, and sheep are raised in large numbers. Sheep and products such as milk, wool, and cheese are sold in the national marketplace and increasingly exported to Arab states. Sheep production had become so profitable by 1987 that some Yörük were renting land that was formerly farmed to use as pasturage.

Industrial Arts. Apart from those who have settled in urban areas or found factory employment in industry, there is little industrial specialization. Some families weave rugs and textiles for sale, but the practice of this craft is not at present particularly common.

Trade. In many rural communities, Yörük specialize in running small business concerns and shops. In some areas, they are among the more prosperous rural dwellers. Almost all pastoral or agricultural production is market oriented—little is used for home consumption. Historically, too, much animal production was for market sale. Prior to the development of the modern grid of railroads and highways, Yörük were active in providing overland transport by camel.

Division of Labor. The Yörük are similar to other rural Muslims in Turkey in that they maintain a fairly strong sense of what is appropriate male and female behavior. Women are not encouraged to work outside of the household, to seek commercial employment or to engage in herding or working in the fields. Nevertheless, the female members of very poor families may be forced to do so. Men tend to dominate public life and to conduct the public activities of the household, as is common throughout the Middle East. Girls increasingly are being sent to public school but rarely beyond middle school. Men are not expected to be active in child care, washing, cooking, or domestic work.

Land Tenure. Arable land is privately owned. Generally, Yörük pasture their animals either on fields owned by others or on grazing tracts held as village commons; in either case, herd owners pay rent for access to grazing. Between the 1920s and 1950s, a number of Yörük villages were established on state-owned lands that were divided up and deeded to Yörük settlers. Yörük are not large landowners in the southeast (where absentee landlordism is common); their holdings range from 2 to 70 hectares.

Kinship

Kin Groups and Descent. The term "Yörük" denotes membership by patrilineal descent in an ashiret or a kabile, usually glossed as "tribe" or "clan," according to context. Descent ideology refers to the common descent of all Yörük tribes without specifying a single ancestral figure nor the linkages among various tribes. Most Yörük agree that there were twelve core or original tribes; there are many more tribes today, and Yörük differ greatly as to which of these are among the original twelve. What is termed a "tribe" has little or no political significance today but is important as a social referent and as a source of personal identity. Mahale, or suhle, designates subdivisions within the tribe (lineages); at this level, genealogical reckoning is much more precise, and economic and social interaction among members is more significant. The term aile refers to family within the context of patrilineal descent and is often coterminous with the household. There is a strong sense of family honor; one important but unnamed grouping is that circle of close patrilineal relatives who are expected to rally to the defense of—or exact vengeance for—a wronged kinsperson. Economic and social interaction is most intense among patrikin. It includes arrangements for selling milk and producing cheese, processing and marketing wool, and the like.

Kinship Terminology. Normal Sudanese terminology is used, as is the case throughout Turkey. The relative ages of siblings are indicated in terms of address; kin terms are widely employed as terms of address to signify age and/or status differentials.

Marriage and Family

Marriage. Although prohibited by Turkish law, polygynous marriage is not uncommon among the Yörük; however it is generally restricted to older, wealthier males. In a 1969 study, 6 percent of presently married women were found living in polygynous matches. Marriages are arranged by parents. Formerly, a relatively high bride-price was paid prior to nuptials. Nowadays it is more common for both households to contribute to purchases of household items and gold for the newlyweds. Elopement and bride-theft or -kidnapping are common (about 30 percent of all marriages) and contribute to interfamily conflict. Such marriages usually entail a higher bride-price if peace between the families is to be even nominally restored. Marriage preference is for closely endogamous matches: marriages to father's brother's daughter or father's brother's son accounted for 21 percent of all marriages in a survey of 360 households; marriages between first cousins, for 39 percent. There were virtually no marriages with non-Yörük. Postmarital residence is almost always with the husband's household; 35 percent of households surveyed were extended-family households. Divorce is initiated by males and approximately 7 percent of those ever married had at least one marriage terminated by divorce.

Domestic Unit. People who share production and eat together are considered a household. Nomadic households are somewhat larger than sedentary ones, and average household size is somewhat larger than the rural national average for both nomadic and sedentary households. One 1971 sample of 360 households found mean nomadic household size to be 7.4 persons for village-dwelling Yörük and 8.3 for nomadic tent dwellers.

Inheritance. Property is generally divided equally among sons, to the exclusion of wives or daughters. Among the nomadic Yörük, anticipatory inheritance is common; that is, a son may claim his share of the family herds and establish a separate household during his father's lifetime. He will have no further claim on the estate. Usually a younger son takes responsibility for caring for parents or surviving parent and will also inherit the domicile and household possessions.

Socialization. Sex-role distinctions are inculcated from an early age; girls are put to productive tasks earlier than boys and are trained to pay close attention to sexual modesty. Respect for elders is also emphasized.

Sociopolitical Organization

The Yörük are not recognized as part of the formal political structure of Turkey, although, historically, tribal entities and leaders were used for purposes of taxation, conscription, and administration. Each person is registered as a resident of a designated town or village.

Social Organization Yörük social organization is closely focused on ties of kinship, with an emphasis on patrilineal descent. Because the Yörük practice close-cousin endogamy, their matrilateral relatives are apt to be members of their own lineage. Egalitarian ideology is strong; there are no hereditary leaders or elite families, although, in practice, wealth differentials are important in determining relative influence.

Political Organization. Traditional political organization stresses consensual decision making by adult male heads of household. Each tribal segment usually has an informal leader, called an aga, who acts as a spokesman and often mediates disputes but has no jural authority. Alliances and factions are strongly correlated with lines of descent, even within tribes and lineages. Superimposed on the tribal, kin-based system is the highly centralized Turkish national administration. Thus, each Yörük, villager or nomad, is a member of a settlement or neighborhood headed by a muhtar (headman), who reports to a kaymakam (district officer), who is appointed, as are provincial governors, by the state.

Social Control. The state maintains effective control through a nationwide gendarmerie and police. Within the Yörük communities, the practice of intekam (vengeance) is a powerful means of controlling violence; assaults of any kind on the person or character of another may bring retribution from a circle of male kin responsible for collective honor. The fear of gossip is also a powerful force for social control.

Conflict. Vengeance disputes, confrontations among youths over family honor, and conflicts over marriages (or arising from elopement and bride-theft) support the impression of a fairly high level of violence, even homicide.

Religion and Expressive Culture

Religious Beliefs. Sunni Islam (Hanefi school) is a major force in Yörük society. Most adults tithe, males attend mosque services once a week or when possible, and children are trained by privately or communally engaged tutors.

Yörük beliefs conform to those common among rural-dwelling Sunni Muslims of Turkey. Like many rural dwellers, they frequent local shrines and consult soothsayers and faith healers. Some participate in Sufi or Dervish brotherhood rites, among them those of the Kaderli sect.

Religious Practitioners. Although devout, very few Yörük males train for the Muslim clergy; most leaders of congregations and itinerant clergymen, healers, soothsayers, and teachers are thus non-Yörük. Like many rural Muslims, they believe in the "evil eye" and take steps to ward off its effects, which are particularly threatening to young children, livestock, and women.

Ceremonies. The religious calendar follows that of Sunni Islam. The fast of Ramazan is closely observed. Wealthy men will likely attempt to make the hajj to Mecca, and Sunni ceremonies commemorating the dead are important. Boys are circumcised, although this is not as major a ritual ceremony as it is among some other Muslim groups. The most secular ceremony is the wedding; weddings frequently last three days and involve significant expenditures for entertainment on the part of the groom's family. These are major occasions for widely dispersed households to meet and socialize.

Arts. Yörük musical arts, which have been under pressure from religious leaders, have languished, and most music for weddings is now provided by Gypsies. Young men often compose love poems, and women may sing and dance at weddings, but separately from men; women weave flat-woven textiles and rugs and make felt rugs of elaborate design.

Medicine. Clinics and modern health-care facilities are available to the Yörük; in addition, they frequently rely on folk remedies and healers.

Death and Afterlife. In accord with standard Sunni belief, burial takes place on the day of death, if possible. Bodies are washed, shrouded, and buried; commemorative rites held at designated dates after death are more important than the actual burial ceremony.

Bibliography

Bates, Daniel G. (1971). The Yörük of Southeastern Turkey: A Study of Social Organization and Land Use. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms.

Bates, Daniel, G. (1972). "Differential Access to Pasture in a Nomadic Pastoral Society: The Yörük of Southeastern Turkey." Journal of Asian and African Studies 7:( 1-2): 48-59. Reprinted in Perspectives on Nomadism, edited by William Irons and Neville Dyson-Hudson. Leiden: E. J. Brill.

Bates, Daniel G. (1973). Nomads and Farmers: The Yörük of Southeastern Turkey. University of Michigan Museum of Anthropology Monograph no. 52. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan.

Bates, Daniel G. (1974). "Sheperd Become Farmer: A Study of Sedentarization and Change in Southeastern Turkey." In Turkey: Geographic and Social Perspectives, edited by Peter Benedict, Erol Tumertekin, and Fata Mansur. Leiden: E. J. Brill.

Bates, Daniel G. (1974). "Normative and Alternative Systems of Marriage among the Yörük of Southeastern Turkey." Anthropohgical Quarterly 47(3): 270-287.

Bates, Daniel G. (1980). "Nomadic Settlement in Turkey." In When Nomads Settle: Processes of Sedentarization as Adaptation and Response, edited by Philip K. Salzman, 124-139. New York: J. Bergin; Praeger.

Bates, Daniel G. (1984). "The Yörük of Turkey." In Muslim Peoples: A World Ethnographic Survey, edited by Richard V. Weekes, 876-879. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press.

Dömez, Usuf (1963-1964). "A Yörük (Nomadic) Settlement West of Karasu." Review of the Geographical Institute of the University of Turkey, nos. 9-10, 161-179.

Eberhard, Wolfram. "Nomads and Farmers in Southeastern Turkey: Problems of Settlement." Chiens 6:32-49.

Johansen, Ulla (1965). "Die Nomadenzelte Sudostenanatoliens." Zeitschrift für Kultur, Politik und Wirtschaft der Islamischen Lädern, Nr. Y: 33-37.

Kolars, John (1963). Season, Tradition, and Change in a Turkish Village. Department of Geography Research Paper no. 82. University of Chicago, Department of Geography.

Planhol, Xavier de (1958). De h plaine pamphylienne aux lacs pisidiends: Nomadisme et vie paysanne. Bibliothèque Archéologique et Historique de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie d'Istanbul, vol. 3. Paris.

DANIEL G. BATES