TRIBAL PEOPLES OF EASTERN INDIA

TRIBAL PEOPLES OF EASTERN INDIA India's tribal population, about 83.6 million, constitutes 8 percent of the total population of the country. This population comprises about 461 distinct tribal communities. More than 90 percent of the tribals live in tribal minority states. The tribal minority states spread over a broad girdle in middle India from Gujarat to West Bengal. The tribal majority states like Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Mizoram, and Nagaland are all located in the northeast region of the country. But less than 10 percent of the total tribal population resides there.

Ethnically, the tribes in eastern India belong to two racial stocks, Proto-Austroloid and Mongoloid. The Proto-Austroloid group is found in Jharkhand, Orissa, and the southern districts of West Bengal, while the Mongoloid group covers the other tribes in Bengal and the Northeast.

The most important tribal communities are: Santhal, Munda, Oraon, and Ho in Jharkhand; the Bhumij, Bhuiya, Gond, Kandha, and Saora in Orissa; the Bhumij, Santhal, Kora, Lepcha, Bhutia, Munda, and Oraon in West Bengal; Kachari, Miri, and Rabha in Assam; the Adi, Nyishi, Apatani, Monpa, and Wancho in Arunachal Pradesh; the Naga in Nagaland; Garo and Khasi in Meghalaya; the Mizo in Mizoram; some Naga tribes, Mac, and Paite in Manipur; and Tripuri, Riang, and Chakma in Tripura.

All these tribes differ in population, levels of sociocultural and economic development, means of subsistence, religion, and language. However, 90 percent of tribal populations reside in villages. There are many tribes spread over more than one state, such as the Santal, Munda, Oraon, the Naga, and the Gond. All these tribes are known as scheduled tribes (STs). This status gives them certain safeguards, as well as certain rights and privileges, and entitles them to additional development funds from the central government. It also provides for reservation in legislatures, services, and educational institutions. Some of these tribal communities have been identified as "primitive tribal groups," characterized as inhabiting preagricultural land and having extremely low levels of literacy. Some of them are found in Jharkhand and Orissa. India's government pays special attention to speeding up their development and saving them from extinction.

The literacy percentage among the STs in eastern India varies between 82 percent in Mizoram and 23 percent in Orissa. The literacy percentage in the middle Indian states is much lower than in the Northeast. Among women, the rates of literacy of the scheduled caste (SC) population are lowest in Jharkhand and Orissa.

The work participation rate of the tribal population is about 50 percent, which is much higher than that of the general population, primarily due to very high rate of work participation among tribal women. The tribal population is largely concentrated in rural areas, which have higher female participation rates than the urban areas. In addition, women are employed in forestry operations, which are largely female-oriented. Since very few tribal girls go to school, they are available for taking up gainful economic activity. Ninety percent of the workers are engaged in the primary sector, about 4 percent in the secondary sector, and 6 percent in the tertiary sector.

Social Structure

Each tribal group is known by a distinct name. Some of these are divided into subtribes. Dual organization is also found among some tribes in Orissa. Almost all the tribes are made up of clans, which are exogamous. Of course, there are some exceptions, such as Maler and Parahiya in Jharkhand and Saora in Orissa. In northeast India, social stratification is found among some tribes, such as Monpa and Apatani in Arunachal Pradesh.

By and large, most of the tribes are patriarchal and patrilocal. Succession is from father to son. There are only two tribes that are matriarchal and matrilocal: the Khasi and Garo of Meghalaya. There is no polyandry among eastern Indian tribes, but polygyny is permitted and practiced among many tribes.

The basic unit of the tribal society is the family. Joint or extended families are very rare; in most places the family is nuclear. After marriage, both son and daughter leave the parental home. The son sets up a new household, while married girls go to live with their husbands, In most marriages, there is the practice of paying a bride price, either in cash or in kind, or in both. In some communities in the Northeast, the bride price consists of cattle. Most of the marriages are negotiated by parents, but there are also other methods of mate selection. Most marriages are adult marriages, and in some cases there are love marriages that are later approved by the parents. In these tribal communities, marriages are a long process, punctuated by various rituals. However, unlike Hindu marriage, tribal marriage is not a religious sacrament, and no priests are involved at any stage in the entire process. Marriage rules prohibit marriage inside the clan and outside the tribe. Anyone breaking these rules invites social ostracism in addition to incurring divine displeasure. Divorce is allowed under certain conditions but must be approved by the village council, which provides for compensation to the aggrieved party. Widow remarriage is allowed. Polygyny is largely confined to affluent sections of the tribal society. It is also a status symbol. The eldest wife enjoys a privileged position in a polygynous family.

In matriarchal societies, among the Khasi and Garo, the family is headed by a woman who has full command over family resources and makes all important decisions regarding family matters. On her death, her position is inherited by her daughter. After marriage, a man must shift to his wife's family. A person inherits the clan title of his mother. In such a society, men play a secondary role.

In many tribal societies in eastern India, youth dormitories used to play an important role in the socialization of children. It was an effective economic organization for guests, a useful seminary of training for young men in the social and cultural duties, and was an institution for magico–religious observances calculated to secure success in hunting. It was also a place for training in music and dance. The organization was entirely managed by the youths, helping them to acquire organizational and leadership skills. It was indeed a "kingdom of the young." In Jharkhand, among the Oraon, it was known as dhumkuria. Although dhumkuria buildings are found in some villages, they have lost their functions. A similar organization known as the ghotul is functioning on traditional lines among the Muria Gond in the Bastar District of Chhatisgarh.

Among the northeastern tribes like the Naga, an organization of this nature, called morung, exists. It also functions as a community house where all the weapons of war and head-hunting trophies are placed, reminiscent of days when village raids were common. The Naga morung strengthens the sense of social unity, develops in boys a strong esprit de corps, and at the same time encourages competition between the morung, thus stimulating the activities of the whole village.

PERCENTAGE OF TRIBAL POPULATION IN EASTERN INDIA STATES

The position of women in tribal societies in eastern India is much better than in other societies, for they are independent and do not suffer any seclusion. They move about freely in the forest, farms, and agricultural fields. They work shoulder to shoulder with men. In the Northeast they also engage in small business and manage sales in small shops.

However, tribal custom prohibits giving a share to daughters in their fathers' property on the plea that after marriage they become members of another clan. She is entitled to a share in her husband's property after his death. In other matters, women do not suffer from any inequality. In matriarchal society, the status of women is higher than in patriarchal society, since all authority is vested in the head of the family, who is a woman.

Tribal Economy

Tribals in eastern India make a living by different means. There are some communities that are still in the hunting and gathering stage. The Birhor in Jharkhand are a classic example of such subsistence. Now a section of this tribe is engaged in settled cultivation. Some communities are pastoralists, engaged in sheep or cattle rearing, such as the Sulung of Arunachal Pradesh. The number of people engaged in hunting, food gathering, and pastoralism is very small. More than 90 percent of tribals subsist on agriculture, either shifting or settled. Shifting cultivation is generally carried out in areas where flat land is not available for plow cultivation. In Jharkhand, the Maler of Santal Pargana are still engaged in shifting cultivation. Many tribal communities in Orissa, particularly in the hilly regions, are engaged in shifting cultivation. In this process, a plot where vegetation has grown is set on fire, and then the ashes are spread all over. Seeds are sown with help of digging sticks. No plow is used. One plot is cultivated for a year or two. It is then left fallow for a number of years to allow vegetation to grow again. Shifting cultivation is regarded as wasteful by agronomists and foresters. Efforts are being made to introduce scientific horticulture. In many areas of Arunachal Pradesh, apples, oranges, pineapples, and potatoes are being grown on shifting cultivation sites.

The bulk of the tribals in other areas are engaged in settled cultivation and grow a large number of food crops, but the agricultural technology continues to be traditional. Efforts are being made to improve the situation by providing irrigation, improved seeds, and fertilizes and insecticides. This is extremely important, as the fertility of the soil is quite low in plateau and hill areas in comparison to river valleys, villages, and plains.

With the growth of education and the opening up of communication in tribal areas, both in middle India and the Northeast, some tribals have shifted to secondary and tertiary sectors of employment. In Jharkhand and Orissa, the growth of industry has attracted tribal people, who have joined largely as unskilled laborers in Jharkhand and Orissa and as contractors and small businessmen in the Northeast.

Religious Beliefs and Practices

Most tribal religions are animistic. Their deities are associated or named after natural objects like sun, moon, hills, forest, rivers, and so on. Most of them have a pantheon headed by a high god (God of Gods), such as Singbonga among the Munda of Chotanagpur. He is benevolent, omniscient, and omnipresent. Below the high god are clan and village gods. There are a number of deities associated with hill, forest, and rivers. In Chotanagpur they are known as Bonga. There are also ancestral spirits at home to whom worship is offered on certain occasions. In Jharkhand most villages have a common place of worship—known as sarna—where a number of village gods are propitiated by the village priest, known differently among different tribes. In recent times, sarnaism is a term that has been used for tribal religion in Jharkhand. However, in census reports, most tribals have been classified as Hindu.

In Arunachal Pradesh most of the tribals, except the Christians and Buddhists, are followers of the popular tribal deity Donyi Polo. In many tribal religions, there are both benevolent and malevolent spirits. The latter must be propitiated so that they do not cause any harm to man or cattle. Tribal society is also characterized by firm belief in totem and taboo. In fact, each clan has a totem fashioned after a natural object, animate or inanimate. This object is given all respect and is regarded as the protector of that totemic group. Taboo is observed in regard to certain items of behavior and ritual practices. Any breach of taboo attracts divine punishment.

All tribal societies in India observe many fairs and festivals. These are largely connected with agriculture, such as the sowing of seeds, first fruit rituals, and harvest. These festivals are spread throughout the year and are celebrated for several days. All the festivals are marked by dances, music, and community worship of deities. The fervor with which these festivals are celebrated is an assertion of tribal identity.

In Jharkhand, Orissa, and West Bengal, a large number of tribals observe Hindu festivals and worship Hindu gods and goddesses during festivals. Such practices do not clash with belief in tribal gods and goddesses. This spirit of accommodation is not evident when they come into contact with Christian missionaries.

Christian missionaries entered tribal areas in Chotanagpur and the Northeast at different times, under the patronage of British rulers. Christian missionaries belonging to various denominations entered interior tribal areas and started to convert people there. They met with greater success in the Northeast, particularly in Nagaland, Meghalaya, and Mizoram, where they converted large numbers of tribals to Christianity. These converts shed their old religious beliefs and practices and slowly adopted the norms and behavior patterns of the missionaries. This process was accelerated by the spread of education through the medium of the church, which came to play a guiding role in their sociocultural life.

Some tribes in Arunachal are Buddhist. The Monpa follow Mahayana Buddhism, while the Singpho belong to the Hinayana sect. Tawang, which is located close to the Chinese border in Arunachal Pradesh, has a very large monastery with three hundred monks. Some tribes follow the Bon religion, which is a mixture of Buddhism and tribal beliefs and practices.

Colonial Encounters with Tribal Communities

Studies in ancient and medieval Indian history have revealed several instances of continued interaction between the local population and indigenous (tribal) groups in different parts of India. The names of such groups (Bhil, Kol, Kirat, Kinar, Nishad, Asur, etc.) are found in historical literature. Indian rulers were satisfied if tribal chiefs acknowledged their sovereignty and never interfered with tribal customs or imposed tribute. During Mughal rule some revenue was realized, but tribal rights in forest and forest produce were not disturbed. With the establishment of British colonial rule in eastern India, things changed a great deal. The government acquired tribal lands, and different kinds of taxes were imposed on them. Tribal lands were acquired to lay down railways and roads, setting up townships with administrative offices, police stations, educational institutions, and hospitals. In areas where the zamindari system prevailed, they were placed under control of the zamindar. The exploitative and oppressive behavior of administrative officials and of the zamindars forced the tribals to launch agitation for the removal of their grievances. Such unrest in tribal areas sometimes became violent revolts.

In the wake of famine of 1770, the Pahariya of Rajmahal hills in Santal Pargana rose in revolt against the government. Forced by starvation to come down from the hills, they engaged in theft and murder. The government tried to suppress the revolt but could not. Ultimately, it was an enlightened official, Agustus Cleveland, who solved the problem by introducing certain reforms for providing better administration. This was the first attempt at indirect rule. In 1821 the Ho of Singhbhum rose in a revolt against the incursion of British troops in their area. To solve this problem, Thomas Wilkinson, the agent of the governor-general, introduced a series of rules by which the second example of indirect rule was put into practice. Again in 1831, the Kol rebellion forced the administration to take steps to curb exploitation and oppression by officials and others from outside the area. The Santal revolt of 1855 was mainly directed against up-country outsiders who came to Santal Pragana as shopkeepers and moneylenders. The exploitation by these elements led to a violent revolt, which continued for more than a year. After the rebellion was quelled, certain reform measures were enacted, the most important of which was the demarcation of Santal-dominated areas known as Damin–e-Koh, which were taken out of the general administration and were placed under special regulations. It is clear that all these movements originated from economic exploitation, encroachment on tribal land, infringement of tribal rights in land and forest, and interference with age-old customs.

Survival and Identity

The tribals are faced with a large number of problems emanating from land alienation, which has continued in spite of government legislation: the chronic deficit budget of the tribal family (leading to indebtedness and bonded labor), low productivity of the soil, traditional agricultural practices, poor marketing facilities due to lack of communication, low literacy, and unemployment. These problems are compounded by severe malnutrition, poor health, and lack of sanitation. In recent times many development projects in tribal areas resulted in large-scale displacement; building large industrial establishments resulted in ousting tribals from their homes. Irrigation projects in tribal-dominated areas have submerged a large number of villages by the construction of reservoirs. Reports of the commissioner for SCs and STs are replete with examples of the ravages of such projects. The tribals were displaced from the traditional sources of their livelihood and their places of habitation. The funds they received as "compensation" for their land were soon dissipated, and they joined the ranks of landless laborers. The establishment of vast industrial enterprises in tribal zones has led to the sacrifice of tribal interest at the altar of India's modernization.

In a cultural contact situation there is a greater likelihood of the smaller group losing its language and adopting the language of the economically stronger, culturally more advanced neighbor. In the past two centuries, tribal cultures have become the targets of assault from two sides. Interaction with Hindu society has led to the adoption of many norms and values that were foreign to tribals. This process has not only created prejudice against occupations such as leather working and butchering, but has introduced the dietary taboos, child marriage, and restrictions on remarriage of widows associated with Hinduism. This is a part of the Sanskritization process, in which the norms and values of Hindu society became the reference model and principal criteria of social responsibility.

Hinduism is not the only ideological force that constitutes the cultural assault on tribal mores. With the advent of Christianity a large number of tribals in eastern India have been converted. Missionary influence has eroded much of their cultural heritage, including myths, beliefs, and rituals. Conversion of a part of any tribal community tends to destroy its social unity.

It is generally seen that not only physical survival but much of tribal social organization and its culture centers around access to land and control and management of natural resources, which is a basis of their life support system. Steady deprivation of these resources and of the traditional right of management and control of the same is reflected in the process of pauperization. The problems are compounded by the lack of diversification of occupations. Under these circumstances, some tribals in middle and eastern India began to suffer from threats to their identity. This is the result of the spread of education, exposure to urban influences, and entry into government service through job reservations. The resurgence of traditional religious identity, the creation of new literature, and the invention of scripts bear testimony to growing tribal identity assertion.

Christian missionaries, nongovernmental organizations, and tribal associations are all catalysts of social change in this regard. Tribal associations initiate social reforms in customary matters, like the reduction or abolition of bride price. Cultural movements launched by Ragunath Murmu among the Santals, focusing on education with a district script and culturally oriented curriculum, as well as social reform, continued for many decades. The Manki-Munda movement launched by the traditional headman of Singhbhum in Jharkhand emanated from an encroachment on traditional land rights but later assumed political overtones. Threats to traditional systems of control and management of resources and the search for a more satisfactory system of organization of community power leads to the creation of political platforms, launching movements that at times react with violence.

The assertion of tribal identity is more evident in tribal minority states. The tribals felt that changes initiated by the state or through market forces tended to erode their identity. In tribal majority states there is no such problem, since tribals can reshape their own future through a democratic process and legal constitutional means. They have never experienced any exploitation or discrimination at the hands of nontribals. In fact, as a result of the dispensation of "Inner Line" regulations, tribals are protected from incursions by nontribal elements. This creates a situation of exploitation in reverse, resulting in the exploitation of nontribals who go to the tribal states in search of small business jobs.

Some of the states in the Northeast are in the grip of sustained violent insurgency. The roots of that insurgency may be traced to hopes entertained among some tribal leaders that with the end of British rule in 1947, the tribal areas in the Northeast would revert to independent status. Thus insurgency is a struggle not so much for autonomy but for secession from India. In some parts of the Northeast, like Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, and Mizoram, total peace prevails and people are reaping the fruits of peace through steady development and a rise in their standards of living.

In India the tribals do not face any problem of physical survival. There has been a steady rise in tribal population, from 30 million in 1961 to 67.8 million in 1991. The literacy percentage rose from 8.5 percent in 1961 to 30 percent in 1991. Ninety-two percent of tribals in the country live in rural areas, and the percentage of people below the poverty line in the rural areas is slightly over 50 percent, while that of general population is 37 percent. They have adequate representation in government service, in the Indian Parliament, and in panchayati raj institutions. In the tribal minority states, where the fifth schedule of the Constitution is in operation, adequate measures have been taken to safeguard their interests in all walks of life. Whenever money has to be allotted for the promotion of "total literacy" or Integrated Child Development Service projects, priority is given to tribal areas. Steps have also been taken to promote tribal culture through songs, dances, marketing of handicrafts, and the promotion of tribal languages.

The tribals in India, both in tribal majority and tribal minority states, have retained their identity and are proud of their cultural heritage. Their leaders' main concern is to see that their rights as citizens in India's democracy are well protected. They are striving, through the help of state and the wider society, to achieve a better quality of life while slowly moving toward social integration with other communities of their region.

Sachchidananda

See alsoScheduled Tribes

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Furer-Haimendorf, C. von. Highlanders in Arunachal Pradesh. New Delhi: Vikas, 1982.

Ghurye, G. S. Aborigines, So Called and Their Future. Pune: Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, 1943.

Sachchidananda. The Changing Munda. New Delhi: Concept Publishing House, 1979.

Singh, Kumar Suresh. The Scheduled Tribes. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1994.