Annan, Kofi Atta 1938–
Kofi Atta Annan 1938–
United Nations Secretary General
Rose Towards Secretary General Post
“Image not available for copyright reasons”
On December 18, 1996, the clink of raised champagne glasses rang through the United Nations (UN) headquarters in New York City. The celebration was to honor incoming Secretary General Kofi Annan, the first black African ever to have held the difficult job. His election was greeted with genuine pleasure by UN insiders, who admire him for his unswerving integrity, his cool judgement in the toughest emergencies, and his ability to learn valuable lessons from every situation in which he finds himself. His colleagues had plenty of time to assess Annan’s strengths. Other than a two-year period in the mid-1970s when he returned to his native Ghana to run the Tourism Control Board, Annan has devoted his entire career to the international organization.
During Annan’s 35 years of life in UN service, the number of troubled areas all over the world has soared. Governments have toppled in Africa; blood has stained highly-coveted lands in Europe; Soviet Communism has collapsed, and with it, the grim wall separating East and West Berlin. Each change has left in its wake a flood of desperate refugees who depend on the UN for basic humanitarian aid such as food, shelter and medical services.
The huge challenges of assessing these urgent needs, working out suitable strategies for humanitarian aid, and helping to keep peace between warring factions everywhere have taken Annan all over the world. By turns he has visited Iraq, Bosnia, Somalia, Rwanda, Ghana, Ethiopia, Egypt, and Switzerland. Along the way he has gained a comfortable familiarity with English, French, and several African languages. Constant traveling has also taught him a great deal about the ancient traditions by which many people live, and the ways in which they buckle when changes overwhelm them. Well-versed in several ways of life besides his own, he can truly be seen as a citizen of the world.
Started Public Service Early
Kofi Annan spent his boyhood years in Africa’s Gold Coast, which was then shedding its 70-year-old status as a British crown colony in favor of an up-to-the minute identity as an independent West African country named Ghana. The country’s mood about the future was optimistic
At a Glance…
Born April 8, 1938; married (1), divorced; married (2) Nane Cronstedt, 1984; children, one son, one daughter, one stepdaughter. Education: Macalester College, St. Paul, Minn, B.Econ. 1959-61; Institut des Institut des Hautes Etudes Internationale, Switzerland, 1961-62; Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 71-72, Sloan Fellow, MSc Mgmt.
World Health Organization, administrative and budget officer, 1962; Ghana Tourism Control Board, managing director, 1974-76; United Nations Office of Personnel Services, New York, NY, deputy chief of staff services, 1976-80; United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCR), deputy director of administration and head of personnel, Geneva, Switzerland, 1980-83; United Nations Office of Finance, dir. of budget, 1984-87; United Nations Office of Human Resources Mgmt secretary general, 1987-90; United Nations assistant secretary general for program planning, 1990-92; United Nations budget and finance controller, 1992-1993; United Nations undersecretary for peacekeeping, 1993-1996; United Nations secretary-general, 1996-.
and young Annan was right in step. A self-confident leader even as a teenager, he undertook his first successful human rights mission while at boarding school, participating in a hunger strike to protest the poor quality of the food there.
That first experience as an activist was so satisfying that Annan continued to take an interest in public service after he entered Ghana’s University of Science and Technology, where he studied economics. In 1957, while serving as vice president of the Ghana Students’ Union, he happened to visit Sierre Leone for a meeting of student leaders. There he caught the attention of a talent scout from the Ford Foundation’s Foreign Students Leadership Project. A scholarship swiftly followed, and Annan was soon on his way to the United States to finish his economics degree at Macalester College in St. Paul, Minnesota.
A Career for Life
Annan graduated in 1961, but did not return to his homeland. Instead he became a staff member at the United Nations, embarking upon a series of jobs that gave him valuable experience in the two vitally important areas of finance and human resources management. The first rung of the UN ladder took him to Geneva, Switzerland, where he became a budget administration officer for the World Health Organization. Next, after acquiring a master’s degree in management at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology during 1971-72, he spent four years in the UN’s Office of Personnel Services in New York. In 1980, he went back to Switzerland, where he spent the following three years as head of personnel for the United Nations’ High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCR).
The UNHCR is often the only place in which refugees in war-ravaged countries can turn for help with such basic necessities as food and medical care. During 1980 to 1983, the years Annan spent there, its staff members left the Geneva headquarters for Bangladesh, Cambodia, Indonesia, and Hong Kong; they were also sent to Italy, Greece, and Iraq. All in all, UNHCR personnel were able to ease the suffering of more than three million terrified refugees.
While the daily catalog of international anguish was enough to spur Annan to work as hard as possible, even more incentive came from his friendship with Nane Cronstedt, a lawyer who became his second wife in 1984. The inspiration came from Cronstedt’s family background. She was a niece of the revered Raoul Wallenberg, a Swedish diplomat who had snatched 5,000 Jews from Adolph Hitler’s death camps during World War II. Though a 35-year span separated Wallenberg’s mysterious 1945 disappearance in Russia and his niece’s friendship with Annan, his wartime bravery was still a matter of breathless awe for Annan.
Annan felt a special message for humanity was present in Wallenberg’s selfless heroism. It began, he felt, with the diplomat’s pivotal role as a bystander who had been free to choose whether he would turn a blind eye to the Nazis or fight them. Unmoved by his personal danger, Wallenberg had chosen to sacrifice himself rather than turn his back on the agony of Hitler’s trapped and helpless human targets. Annan believed the whole wartime saga provided an important example of immortal integrity. “His kind of intervention gives hope to the victims, encourages them to fight and resist, helps them to hang on and bear witness, and hopefully arouses our collective conscience,” Annan remarked in 1997, while opening a monument to Wallenberg in London.
Rose Towards Secretary General Post
In January of 1993, after a year as assistant secretary general for Peacekeeping Operations, Annan was promoted to the top post. Now, as under secretary, he held authority over 80,000 troops, dispatching them anywhere they were needed in order to spare lives and restore calm between warring factions. At that time, the UN had 13 peacekeeping missions in progress. Longest-standing was the Middle East operation, which had been monitoring the sporadic Arab-Israeli ceasefires since 1948. Thereafter, in chronological order, came UN observation on the tense India-Pakistan border, dating back to January of 1949; the same kind of operation in Cyprus, Greece (initiated in March of 1964); the Golan Heights (1974) and Lebanon (1978). In the scant two years since the beginning of the 1990s, the UN had also become a formidable presence on the Iraq-Kuwait border, as well as in Angola, El Salvador, Cambodia, and Mozambique. Other urgent missions were appearing on the horizons of Eastern Europe’s former Yugoslavia and Somalia, the land that sits directly on the horn of the African continent.
Annan was well-acquainted with the problems of Somalia—a rudderless state that had existed since without a government since the toppling of President Siad Barre in 1991. Somalia had begun to writhe in the grip of power struggles by so many opposition parties that the entire infrastructure of the country had been completely destroyed. In a country with a literacy rate of only 20 percent, the lack of expertise in engineering made replacement impossible, so the loss of the public buildings, bridges, and roads was an inestimable loss. But a far greater tragedy was the smell of death that hung in the air. In just the six months between September of 1991 and March of 1992, the Mogadishu area alone had suffered the injury of 27,000 people and an estimated 14,000 more had been killed.
As if the civil war was not enough for Somalis to bear, their problems were further complicated by a persistent drought. News reports everywhere showed long lines of emaciated people streaming desperately out of the country in search of food. By September of 1992, an estimated 500,000 refugees had poured into neighboring Ethiopia, with an additional 300,000 flooding into Kenya; 65,000 heading for Yemen; and about 115,000 scattered elsewhere.
During the month of August, the UN spearheaded a famine relief operation for the 1.5 million people who were teetering dangerously on the edge of starving to death. By early November, the UNHCR was ready to launch a large-scale rescue operation called UNO-SOM, which consisted of setting up camps just outside the country to feed about 65,000 Somalian refugees. Yet even though the UN was quickly flying in the most capacious emergency food stores that could be supplied, the suffering Somalis could not rest easily.
In Mogadishu and other major cities, the unarmed victims were often chased away by looting bandits, who had dusted off the weapons the country had received in the early 1980s to give it greater power in a territorial struggle against Ethiopia. Now, as the coveted grain and flour steadily disappeared into the bandits’ hands, the UN saw only one solution—to augment the 500 Pakistani soldiers previously authorized by Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali. Before long another 3,500 troops were on their way to Africa.
Because the United States was seen by Somalis as the only country capable of staving off the inevitable national tragedy, on November 21, 1992, U.S. president George Bush also sent military units to Somalia. Arriving under the banner of “Operation Restore Hope,” the first troops landed on December 9, to be joined for a New Year’s Day visit by President Bush himself. By mid-January the number of foreign troops in the country was soaring towards the 18,000 troops from 21 nations, and phase two of the operation called United Nations Operations Somalia, or UNOSOMII, was under way, with the hope that the leaderless country would be turned over to United Nations control by May 4, 1993.
But under the influence of a faction leader named Mohammed Farah Aideed, the gratitude of the Somalis began to turn to resentment and a fear that the foreign troops were heralding a return to the British and Italian colonial influence that the country had experienced in the early years of the century. Seizing the opportunity to consolidate his power, in June of 1993, Aideed attacked and killed 25 UN soldiers. At this point, the United States decided to curtail its interest in Somalia.
United Nations troops being bound by the United Nations Charter, they had traditionally gone on peacekeeping missions. By these terms, UN troops were usually kept in place by agreement of both conflicting parties and were armed only to an extent that would permit them to defend themselves or their equipment. The situation in Somalia, however, was different. Somalia boasted neither government nor rulers to consult, and no well defined conflicting parties existed that could be mediated. Therefore, the UN troops had no outside authority to mediate their actions.
For the first time in history, the UN Security Council sent their auxiliary troops into a conflict situation buttressed by a UN Charter mandate. This meant they were allowed to act as peacemarkers rather than as mere peacekeepers. By UN decree, they were authorized to force Somalia to accept peace, even if they had to fight to achieve it. The alteration in UN Charter mandate made this present peacekeeping force the most aggressive in the history of the United Nations. Furthermore, since 26 of the organization’s 41 missions had been mounted since 1989, controlling the forces and their movements was becoming an ever-mounting challenge that the Peacekeeping Department was not equipped to handle. Annan set out to remedy this situation by instituting a streamlining effort.
First came a situation center to monitor the department’s international operations around the clock. In 1993, when it was established, this office consisted of eight military officers and two telephones placed in a Manhattan office. By the end of 1995, however, with 17 peacekeeping missions in progress, it was staffed by 120 officers, serving as ultimate backup to 70,000 peacekeeping soldiers worldwide.
In a second innovation, Annan sought support from member nations who were prepared to contribute troops and equipment for standby duty, in case peacekeeping efforts should be needed for a sudden emergency. The high regard in which he is held was soon obvious, when, by the end of November, 1996, 62 of the 185 members had agreed to provide some 80,000 standby troops between them. Annan also created a “lessons learned” unit within the Department of Peacekeeping Operations to make sure that all phases of each operation are discussed, evaluated and broadened further by interaction with other UN departments. Annan hoped the new departmental wing would improve future operations and minimize avoidable mistakes.
Supervising all these innovations made a tight work schedule for Annan. Nevertheless, his workload became greater still in November of 1995, when Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali appointed him special representative to the former Yugoslavia, a European territory soon to become familiar as Bosnia-Herzegovina. This mission posed a grave responsibility for Annan, who had been asked to coordinate a smooth transition of international peacekeepers from United Nations forces to NATO military units.
Like Somalia, Bosnia-Herzegovina was an international symbol of raw tragedy. Its two principal population groups, the Serbs and the Croats, had been at war over possession of this area ever since the breakup of the Socialist Federated Republic of Yugoslavia in 1991. In the course of a conflict that would eventually cost between 250,000 and 300,000 lives, they had brought such concepts as “ethnic cleansing,” back into the limelight from the shadows of World War II, updating them for the 1990s by “rationalizing” the expulsion and wholesale murder of the Bosnian Muslims. The slow torment of Bosnia-Herzegovina led first to an arms embargo from the United Nations Security Council in September of 1991, then, in May of 1992, to the arrival of peacekeeping and humanitarian forces, who brought sanitation, water, and electricity to the city of Sarajevo’s residents.
While this desperately-needed aid was offered without reservation, it came at a high cost to the UN itself. When accompanied by the humanitarian aid that is part of the United Nations service, peacekeeping is an exercise so expensive that by 1994 the annual budget had reached a whopping $3.3 billion. And, generous as it seemed, escalating crises all over the world were stretching this money so thin that the organization was sinking dangerously into debt.
A sinking monetary bottom line was one reason that the UN decided to pass the Bosnian peacekeeping burden on to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). But this was only part of the story. Equally important was the fact that NATO forces are solely dedicated to defense by military means. This single focus was sorely needed in Bosnia-Herzegovina, where the fragile “peace” could be more accurately described as a sullen ceasefire. In November of 1995, UN Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali asked Annan to go to Bosnia to handle the details of withdrawing UN forces and settling NATO forces in their place. It was a difficult task to accomplish. Nevertheless, with his characteristic energy and efficiency, Annan managed to achieve it within four months and returned to his post at the UN by March of 1996.
Meanwhile, Secretary General Boutros-Ghali was nearing the end of his five-year term of office, and his re-election, though acceptable to many of the UN’s 185 members, was far from a done deal with the United States. Though swimming against the tide of public opinion, U.S. ambassador Madeleine Albright quickly made her country’s objections known to the UN Security Council, one of the most influential groups of policy-makers in the world.
The Council itself consists of five permanent members, plus ten who are voted onto the body periodically. Each of the permanent five-China, United Kingdom, France, Russia, and the United States-has the power of veto over all other votes, a power Albright was now exercising. Furthermore, she emphasized her feelings by encouraging the United States to withhold $1.4 billion in fees owed to the United Nations. The charges of the United States against Boutros-Ghali were two-fold: that he tended to follow his own path rather than the policies laid down by the UN’s members, and that he had ignored warnings that the UN and its soaring debt were to be streamlined immediately.
Finding an alternative candidate to fill the difficult post of secretary general became a necessity. As a UN insider with more than 30 years of service under his belt, Annan was a natural choice, easily hurdling France’s objection, based incorrectly on the assumption that he was not French-speaking. On December 18, 1996, Annan was welcomed into office to serve, as he modestly put it, “185 masters” and to institute an immediate cost-cutting program at the UN. On his own initiative, Annan also established a public relations program to bring more rapport between the huge organization itself and the international public. As he remarked at his pre-celebration press conference, Annan well understood that he was undertaking a huge challenge. But nobody present doubted his ability to handle whatever the future might bring.
Sources
Periodicals
Chicago Tribune, June 27, 1993, p. 10, November 29, 1994; December 18, 1996, p. 30; December 20, 1996, p. 31.
London Times, December 19, 1996, p. 17.
New York Times, October 6, 1993, p. A17; December 14, 1996, p.5.
Newsweek, December 23, 1996, p. 30.
Time, December 3, 1996, p. 51.
West Africa, February 3, 1997, p. 181; February 3, 1997, p. 178; December 23, 1996, p.5.
Other
Additional information for this profile was obtained from United Nations Department of Public Information, “The UN in Brief,” July 3, 1997; Press Conference by Secretary-General Elect Kofi Annan,” December 18, 1996, Transcript, GA/9212; “Secretary-General warmly congratulates Kofi Annan on Receiving Security Council Recommendation,” December 13, 1996, SG/SM/6131; “Secretary-General Says Monument to Raoul Wallenberg is inspiration to Act,” SG/SM/6169.
—Gillian Wolf
Annan, Kofi Atta
Kofi Atta Annan
1938—
Secretary General of the United Nations
On December 18, 1996, the clink of raised champagne glasses rang through the United Nations (UN) headquarters in New York City. The celebration was to honor incoming Secretary General Kofi Annan, the first black African ever to have held the difficult job. His election was greeted with genuine pleasure by UN insiders, who admire him for his unswerving integrity, his cool judgment in the toughest emergencies, and his ability to learn valuable lessons from every situation in which he finds himself. His colleagues had plenty of time to assess Annan's strengths. Other than a two-year period in the mid-1970s when he returned to his native Ghana to run the Tourism Control Board, Annan has devoted his entire career to the international organization.
During Annan's nearly half-century of life in UN service, the number of troubled areas all over the world has soared. Governments have toppled in Africa; blood has stained highly-coveted lands in Europe; Soviet Communism has collapsed, and with it, the grim wall separating East and West Berlin, and the Middle East has exploded in violence. Each change has left in its wake a flood of desperate refugees who depend on the UN for basic humanitarian aid such as food, shelter and medical services.
The huge challenges of assessing these urgent needs, working out suitable strategies for humanitarian aid, and helping to keep peace between warring factions everywhere have taken Annan all over the world. By turns he has visited Iraq, Bosnia, Somalia, Rwanda, Ghana, Ethiopia, Egypt, and Switzerland. Along the way he has gained a comfortable familiarity with English, French, and several African languages. Constant traveling has also taught him a great deal about the ancient traditions by which many people live, and the ways in which they buckle when changes overwhelm them. Well-versed in several ways of life besides his own, he can truly be considered a citizen of the world.
Early Activism
Kofi Annan spent his boyhood years in Africa's Gold Coast, which was then shedding its 70-year-old status as a British crown colony in favor of an up-to-the minute identity as an independent West African country named Ghana. The country's mood about the future was optimistic, and young Annan was right in step. A self-confident leader even as a teenager, he undertook his first successful human rights mission while at boarding school, participating in a hunger strike to protest the poor quality of the food there.
That first experience as an activist was so satisfying that Annan continued to take an interest in public service after he entered Ghana's University of Science and Technology, where he studied economics. In 1957, while serving as vice president of the Ghana Students' Union, he happened to visit Sierre Leone for a meeting of student leaders. There he caught the attention of a talent scout from the Ford Foundation's Foreign Students Leadership Project. A scholarship swiftly followed, and Annan was soon on his way to the United States to finish his economics degree at Macalester College in St. Paul, Minnesota.
Annan graduated in 1961, but did not return to his homeland. Instead he became a staff member at the United Nations, embarking upon a series of jobs that gave him valuable experience in the two vitally important areas of finance and human resources management. The first rung of the UN ladder took him to Geneva, Switzerland, where he became a budget administration officer for the World Health Organization. Next, after acquiring a master's degree in management at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology during 1971-72, he spent four years in the UN's Office of Personnel Services in New York. In 1980, he went back to Switzerland, where he spent the following three years as head of personnel for the United Nations' High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCR).
Led the UNHCR
The UNHCR is often the only place in which refugees in war-ravaged countries can turn for help with such basic necessities as food and medical care. During 1980 to 1983, the years Annan spent there, its staff members left the Geneva headquarters for Bangladesh, Cambodia, Indonesia, and Hong Kong; they were also sent to Italy, Greece, and Iraq. All in all, UNHCR personnel were able to ease the suffering of more than three million terrified refugees.
While the daily catalog of international anguish was enough to spur Annan to work as hard as possible, even more incentive came from his friendship with Nane Cronstedt, a lawyer who became his second wife in 1984. The inspiration came from Cronstedt's family background. She was a niece of the revered Raoul Wallenberg, a Swedish diplomat who had snatched 5,000 Jews from Adolph Hitler's death camps during World War II. Though a 35-year span separated Wallenberg's mysterious 1945 disappearance in Russia and his niece's friendship with Annan, his wartime bravery was still a matter of breathless awe for Annan.
Annan felt a special message for humanity was present in Wallenberg's selfless heroism. It began, he felt, with the diplomat's pivotal role as a bystander who had been free to choose whether he would turn a blind eye to the Nazis or fight them. Unmoved by his personal danger, Wallenberg had chosen to sacrifice himself rather than turn his back on the agony of Hitler's trapped and helpless human targets. Annan believed the whole wartime saga provided an important example of immortal integrity. "His kind of intervention gives hope to the victims, encourages them to fight and resist, helps them to hang on and bear witness, and hopefully arouses our collective conscience," Annan remarked in 1997, while opening a monument to Wallenberg in London.
At a Glance …
Born April 8, 1938; married (1), divorced; married (2) Nane Cronstedt, 1984; children: one son, one daughter, one stepdaughter. Education : Macalester College, St. Paul, Minn, BEcon, 1961; Institut des Institut des Hautes Etudes Internationale, Switzerland, 1961-62; Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Sloan Fellow, MSc Mgmt, 1972.
Career : World Health Organization, administrative and budget officer, 1962; Ghana Tourism Control Board, managing director, 1974-76; United Nations Office of Personnel Services, New York, NY, deputy chief of staff services, 1976-80; United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCR), deputy director of administration and head of personnel, Geneva, Switzerland, 1980-83; United Nations Office of Finance, director of budget, 1984-87; United Nations Office of Human Resources Management, assistant secretary general, 1987-90; United Nations assistant secretary general for program planning, 1990-92; United Nations budget and finance controller, 1992-1993; United Nations undersecretary for peacekeeping, 1993-1996; United Nations secretary-general, 1996–.
Awards: Nobel Peace Prize, jointly awarded with United Nations, 2001.
Addresses: Office— United Nations Headquarters, United Nations Plaza, New York, NY 10017.
Rose through the Ranks at the UN
In January of 1993, after a year as assistant secretary general for Peacekeeping Operations, Annan was promoted to the top post. Now, as under secretary, he held authority over 80,000 troops, dispatching them anywhere they were needed in order to spare lives and restore calm between warring factions. At that time, the UN had 13 peacekeeping missions in progress. Longest-standing was the Middle East operation, which had been monitoring the sporadic Arab-Israeli cease-fires since 1948. Thereafter, in chronological order, came UN observation on the tense India-Pakistan border, dating back to January of 1949; the same kind of operation in Cyprus, Greece (initiated in March of 1964); the Golan Heights (1974) and Lebanon (1978). In the scant two years since the beginning of the 1990s, the UN had also become a formidable presence on the Iraq-Kuwait border, as well as in Angola, El Salvador, Cambodia, and Mozambique. Other urgent missions were appearing on the horizons of Eastern Europe's former Yugoslavia and Somalia, the land that sits directly on the horn of the African continent.
Annan was well-acquainted with the problems of Somalia—a rudderless state that had existed since without a government since the toppling of President Siad Barre in 1991. Somalia had begun to writhe in the grip of power struggles by so many opposition parties that the entire infrastructure of the country had been completely destroyed. In a country with a literacy rate of only 20 percent, the lack of expertise in engineering made replacement impossible, so the loss of the public buildings, bridges, and roads was an inestimable loss. But a far greater tragedy was the smell of death that hung in the air. In just the six months between September of 1991 and March of 1992, the Mogadishu area alone had suffered the injury of 27,000 people and an estimated 14,000 more had been killed.
As if the civil war was not enough for Somalis to bear, their problems were further complicated by a persistent drought. News reports everywhere showed long lines of emaciated people streaming desperately out of the country in search of food. By September of 1992, an estimated 500,000 refugees had poured into neighboring Ethiopia, with an additional 300,000 flooding into Kenya; 65,000 heading for Yemen; and about 115,000 scattered elsewhere.
Dealt with Famine
During the month of August, the UN spearheaded a famine relief operation for the 1.5 million people who were teetering dangerously on the edge of starving to death. By early November, the UNHCR was ready to launch a large-scale rescue operation called UNOSOM, which consisted of setting up camps just outside the country to feed about 65,000 Somalian refugees. Yet even though the UN was quickly flying in the most capacious emergency food stores that could be supplied, the suffering Somalis could not rest easily.
In Mogadishu and other major cities, the unarmed victims were often chased away by looting bandits, who had dusted off the weapons the country had received in the early 1980s to give it greater power in a territorial struggle against Ethiopia. Now, as the coveted grain and flour steadily disappeared into the bandits' hands, the UN saw only one solution—to augment the 500 Pakistani soldiers previously authorized by Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali. Before long another 3,500 troops were on their way to Africa.
Because the United States was seen by Somalis as the only country capable of staving off the inevitable national tragedy, on November 21, 1992, U.S. president George Bush also sent military units to Somalia. Arriving under the banner of "Operation Restore Hope," the first troops landed on December 9, to be joined for a New Year's Day visit by President Bush himself. By mid-January the number of foreign troops in the country was soaring towards the 18,000 troops from 21 nations, and phase two of the operation called United Nations Operations Somalia, or UNOSOM II, was under way, with the hope that the leaderless country would be turned over to United Nations control by May 4, 1993.
But under the influence of a faction leader named Mohammed Farah Aideed, the gratitude of the Somalis began to turn to resentment and a fear that the foreign troops were heralding a return to the British and Italian colonial influence that the country had experienced in the early years of the century. Seizing the opportunity to consolidate his power, in June of 1993, Aideed attacked and killed 25 UN soldiers. At this point, the United States decided to curtail its interest in Somalia.
UN Acted as Peacemaker
United Nations troops being bound by the United Nations Charter, they had traditionally gone on peacekeeping missions. By these terms, UN troops were usually kept in place by agreement of both conflicting parties and were armed only to an extent that would permit them to defend themselves or their equipment. The situation in Somalia, however, was different. Somalia boasted neither government nor rulers to consult, and no well-defined conflicting parties existed that could be mediated. Therefore, the UN troops had no outside authority to mediate their actions.
For the first time in history, the UN Security Council sent their auxiliary troops into a conflict situation buttressed by a UN Charter mandate. This meant they were allowed to act as peacemakers rather than as mere peacekeepers. By UN decree, they were authorized to force Somalia to accept peace, even if they had to fight to achieve it. The alteration in UN Charter mandate made this present peacekeeping force the most aggressive in the history of the United Nations. Furthermore, since 26 of the organization's 41 missions had been mounted since 1989, controlling the forces and their movements was becoming an ever-mounting challenge that the Peacekeeping Department was not equipped to handle. Annan set out to remedy this situation by instituting a streamlining effort.
First came a situation center to monitor the department's international operations around the clock. In 1993, when it was established, this office consisted of eight military officers and two telephones placed in a Manhattan office. By the end of 1995, however, with 17 peacekeeping missions in progress, it was staffed by 120 officers, serving as ultimate backup to 70,000 peacekeeping soldiers worldwide.
In a second innovation, Annan sought support from member nations who were prepared to contribute troops and equipment for standby duty, in case peacekeeping efforts should be needed for a sudden emergency. The high regard in which he is held was soon obvious, when, by the end of November, 1996, 62 of the 185 members had agreed to provide some 80,000 standby troops between them. Annan also created a "lessons learned" unit within the Department of Peacekeeping Operations to make sure that all phases of each operation are discussed, evaluated and broadened further by interaction with other UN departments. Annan hoped the new departmental wing would improve future operations and minimize avoidable mistakes.
Worked in Bosnia-Herzegovina
Supervising all these innovations made a tight work schedule for Annan. Nevertheless, his workload became greater still in November of 1995, when Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali appointed him special representative to the former Yugoslavia, a European territory soon to become familiar as Bosnia-Herzegovina. This mission posed a grave responsibility for Annan, who had been asked to coordinate a smooth transition of international peacekeepers from United Nations forces to NATO military units.
Like Somalia, Bosnia-Herzegovina was an international symbol of raw tragedy. Its two principal population groups, the Serbs and the Croats, had been at war over possession of this area ever since the breakup of the Socialist Federated Republic of Yugoslavia in 1991. In the course of a conflict that would eventually cost between 250,000 and 300,000 lives, they had brought such concepts as "ethnic cleansing," back into the limelight from the shadows of World War II, updating them for the 1990s by "rationalizing" the expulsion and wholesale murder of the Bosnian Muslims. The slow torment of Bosnia-Herzegovina led first to an arms embargo from the United Nations Security Council in September of 1991, then, in May of 1992, to the arrival of peacekeeping and humanitarian forces, who brought sanitation, water, and electricity to the city of Sarajevo's residents.
While this desperately-needed aid was offered without reservation, it came at a high cost to the UN itself. When accompanied by the humanitarian aid that is part of the United Nations service, peacekeeping is an exercise so expensive that by 1994 the annual budget had reached a whopping $3.3 billion. And, generous as it seemed, escalating crises all over the world were stretching this money so thin that the organization was sinking dangerously into debt.
A sinking monetary bottom line was one reason that the UN decided to pass the Bosnian peacekeeping burden on to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). But this was only part of the story. Equally important was the fact that NATO forces are solely dedicated to defense by military means. This single focus was sorely needed in Bosnia-Herzegovina, where the fragile "peace" could be more accurately described as a sullen cease-fire. In November of 1995, UN Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali asked Annan to go to Bosnia to handle the details of withdrawing UN forces and settling NATO forces in their place. It was a difficult task to accomplish. Nevertheless, with his characteristic energy and efficiency, Annan managed to achieve it within four months and returned to his post at the UN by March of 1996.
Chosen to Lead the UN
Meanwhile, Secretary General Boutros-Ghali was nearing the end of his five-year term of office, and his re-election, though acceptable to many of the UN's 185 members, was far from a done deal with the United States. Though swimming against the tide of public opinion, U.S. ambassador Madeleine Albright quickly made her country's objections known to the UN Security Council, one of the most influential groups of policy-makers in the world.
The Council itself consists of five permanent members, plus ten who are voted onto the body periodically. Each of the permanent five—China, United Kingdom, France, Russia, and the United States—has the power of veto over all other votes, a power Albright was now exercising. Furthermore, she emphasized her feelings by encouraging the United States to withhold $1.4 billion in fees owed to the United Nations. The charges of the United States against Boutros-Ghali were twofold: that he tended to follow his own path rather than the policies laid down by the UN's members, and that he had ignored warnings that the UN and its soaring debt were to be streamlined immediately.
Finding an alternative candidate to fill the difficult post of secretary general became a necessity. As a UN insider with more than 30 years of service under his belt, Annan was a natural choice, easily hurdling France's objection, based incorrectly on the assumption that he was not French-speaking. On December 18, 1996, Annan was welcomed into office to serve, as he modestly put it, "185 masters" and to institute an immediate cost-cutting program at the UN. On his own initiative, Annan also established a public relations program to bring more rapport between the huge organization itself and the international public. As he remarked at his pre-celebration press conference, Annan well understood that he was undertaking a huge challenge. But nobody present doubted his ability to handle whatever the future might bring.
From his first days as Secretary General, Annan has pursued an ambitious plan to renew the UN, maintained an international commitment to Africa, sought to gain Iraqi compliance with security standards, promoted Nigerian civil rule, sought to improve the status of women in the Secretariat, and involved non-state organizations in partnership with the UN. Annan has particularly excelled at involving many different people in debates about world peace and how the UN might best fulfill its mandate. In 1999 Annan published some interesting perspectives on world peace when he served as a guest editor to Civilization magazine; he prepared an issue entitled "How to Save the World," with essays from contributors ranging from heads of nations to preeminent scholars. At the turn of the century, Annan published a report called "We the Peoples: The Role of the United Nations in the 21st Century," in which he detailed a plan for UN member states to end poverty and inequality, improve education, reduce the incidence of HIV/AIDS, protect the environment and humanity from violence. The report led to the Millennium Declaration, a plan that has guided the United Nations into the new millennium. For his efforts, Annan was honored with the United Nations in 2001 with a Nobel Peace Prize. Since that time, Annan has continued to push for improvements to the UN's ability to function as a peacemaking body in the world.
Sources
Periodicals
Buffalo News (Buffalo, New York), November 22, 1998.
Chicago Tribune, June 27, 1993, p.10, November 29, 1994; December 18, 1996, p. 30; December 20, 1996, p. 31.
Civilization, June/July 1999.
Commentary, May 2004, p. 15.
Ebony, October 1998, p. 136.
London Times, December 19, 1996, p. 17.
New Republic, May 3, 2004, p. 38.
New York Times, October 6, 1993, p. A17; December 14, 1996, p. 5.
Newsweek, December 23, 1996, p. 30; April 26, 2004, p. 6.
Time, December 3, 1996, p. 51; November 30, 1998, p. 136.
West Africa, December 23, 1996, p. 5; February 3, 1997, p. 181; February 3, 1997, p. 178.
On-line
United Nations Secretary-General, www.un.org/News/ossg/sg/ (November 19, 2004).
Other
Additional information for this profile was obtained from the United Nations Department of Public Information, "The UN in Brief," July 3, 1997; "Press Conference by Secretary-General Elect Kofi Annan," December 18, 1996, Transcript, GA/9212; "Secretary-General warmly congratulates Kofi Annan on Receiving Security Council Recommendation," December 13, 1996, SG/SM/6131; "Secretary-General Says Monument to Raoul Wallenberg Is Inspiration to Act," SG/SM/6169.
—Gillian Wolf and
Sara Pendergast
Annan, Kofi
Kofi Annan
Born: April 8, 1938
Kumasi, Ghana
Ghanian-born international diplomat
International diplomat Kofi Annan of Ghana is the seventh secretary-general of the United Nations (UN), the multinational organization created to, among other things, maintain world peace. He is the first black African to head that organization and was awarded the Nobel Prize. Noted for his cautious style of diplomacy, Annan is sometimes criticized for his soft-spokenness, which some say may be mistaken for weakness.
A worldly scholar
Kofi Atta Annan was born in Kumasi, in central Ghana, Africa, on April 8, 1938. Since 1960 Ghana has been a republic within the British Commonwealth, a group of nations dependent on Great Britain. Named for an African empire along the Niger River, Ghana was ruled by Great Britain for 113 years as the Gold Coast. Annan is descended from tribal chiefs on both sides of his family. His father was an educated man, and Annan became accustomed to both traditional and modern ways of life. He has described himself as being "atribal in a tribal world."
After receiving his early education at a leading boarding school in Ghana, Annan attended the College of Science and Technology in the capital of Kumasi. At the age of twenty, he won a Ford Foundation scholarship for undergraduate studies at Macalester College in St. Paul, Minnesota, where he studied economics. Even then he was showing signs of becoming a diplomat, or someone skilled in international relations. Annan received his bachelor's degree in economics in 1961. Shortly after completing his studies at Macalester College, Annan headed for Geneva, Switzerland, where he attended graduate classes in economics at the Institut Universitaire des Hautes Etudes Internationales.
Early career
Following his graduate studies in Geneva, Annan joined the staff of the World Health Organization (WHO), a branch of the United Nations. He served as an administrative officer and as budget officer in Geneva. Later UN posts took him to Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, and New York City, New York. Annan always assumed that he would return to his native land after college, although he was disturbed by the unrest and numerous changes of government that occurred there during the 1970s.
Annan became the Alfred P. Sloan fellow at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. At the end of his fellowship in 1972, he was awarded a master of science degree in management. Rather than return to Ghana upon graduation, he accepted a position at the UN headquarters in New York City.
Work with the UN
In 1974 he moved to Cairo, Egypt, as chief civilian personnel officer in the UN Emergency Force. Annan briefly changed careers in 1974 when he left the United Nations to serve as managing director of the Ghana Tourist Development Company.
Annan returned to international diplomacy and the United Nations in 1976. For the next seven years, he was associated with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Geneva. He returned to the UN headquarters in New York City in 1983 as director of the budget in the financial services office. Later in the 1980s, he filled the post of assistant secretary-general in the Office of Human Resources Management and served as security coordinator for the United Nations. In 1990, he became assistant secretary-general for another department at the United Nations, the Office of Program Planning, Budget, and Finance. In fulfilling his duties to the United Nations, Annan has spent most of his adult life in the United States, specifically at the UN headquarters in New York City.
Annan had by this time filled a number of roles at the United Nations, ranging from peacekeeping to managerial, and the 1990s were no different. In 1990 he negotiated the release of hostages in Iraq following the invasion of Kuwait. Five years later, he oversaw the transition of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) to the multinational Implementation Force (IFOR), a UN peacekeeping organization. In this transfer of responsibility, operations in the former Yugoslavia were turned over to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
In recognition of his abilities, Annan was appointed secretary-general, the top post of the UN, by the UN General Assembly in December 1996. He began serving his four-year term of office on January 1, 1997. Joining him was his second wife, former lawyer Nane Lagergren of Sweden. She is the niece of the diplomat Raoul Wallenberg (1912–c.1947), who saved thousands of European Jews from the German Nazis during World War II (1939–45), when American-led forces fought against Germany, Italy, and Japan. Annan and Lagergren were married in 1985. The couple has one child.
Heading the United Nations
The post of secretary-general of the United Nations has been called one of the world's "oddest jobs." According to the United Nations web site, "Equal parts diplomat and activist … the Secretary-General stands before the world community as the very emblem of the United Nations." The secretary-general is the boss of ten thousand international civil servants and the chief administrator of a huge international parliamentary system (a governing body with representation from many nations).
In this post, Annan is expected to coordinate, although he does not control, the activities of such groups as the WHO and the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). He is also expected to practice "preventive diplomacy," meaning he and his staff must try to prevent, contain, or stop international disputes. Above all, Annan must try to maintain world peace.
In an address to the National Press Club, Annan declared, "If war is the failure of diplomacy, then … diplomacy … is our first line of defense. The world today spends billions preparing for war; shouldn't we spend a billion or two preparing for peace?"
Questioning his role
Almost immediately after Annan's election to secretary-general came the question: Is this man just too nice a person for the job? His reputation for "soft-spokenness," according to U.S. News & World Report, could be mistaken for weakness. Another factor that made people question Annan's toughness was his involvement in the UN efforts at peacekeeping in Bosnia from 1992 to 1996. Despite the United Nations's presence, Bosnia remained the site of an ethnic war (a war between religious or cultural groups), in which thousands died. Sir Marrack Goulding, head of peacekeeping, once commented that Annan never expressed his doubts about the UN policy in a forceful manner. Annan disagreed, saying that he always pressed the involved countries—the United States, Britain, France, and Russia—to rethink their policy on sending soldiers to the peacekeeping force. Not one to raise his voice in anger, Annan favored diplomacy. In a press conference in Baghdad, Iraq, in 1998, Annan noted, "You can do a lot with diplomacy, but of course you can do a lot more with diplomacy backed up by fairness and force."
All eyes turned to Annan and his handling of the touchy situation with Iraq in 1998. Early in that year, threats of war seemed all too real. Saddam Hussein (1937–), president of Iraq, became once again a threatening presence by refusing to let UN observers into certain areas of his country, as had been previously agreed upon, to check for illegal possession of chemical-warfare items and the like. Then-president Bill Clinton (1946–) hinted strongly at the use of force to make Hussein agree to let in the UN officials. In his role as secretary-general, Annan went to Iraq in February of 1998 to meet with the Iraqi leader. After talking with Annan, Hussein agreed to what he had refused before—unlimited UN access to the eight sites that he had previously called completely off-limits. Because of Annan's intervention, war was avoided.
Annan in a new world
Annan's code of soft-spoken diplomacy was given a boost by the outcome of his talks with Saddam Hussein in 1998. UN observers wait to see how additional crises will be handled by the gentle but determined man from Ghana.
In the summer of 2001, the United Nations unanimously appointed Kofi Annan to his second five-year term as secretary-general. On October 12, 2001, the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded jointly to the United Nations and Kofi Annan. The Nobel citation pointed out that Annan had brought new life to the peacekeeping organization, highlighted the United Nations's fight for civil rights, and boldly taken on the new challenges of terrorism and acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS; a disease of the immune system).
For More Information
Tessitore, John. Kofi Annan: The Peacekeeper. New York: Franklin Watts, 2000.
Kofi Annan
Kofi Annan
International diplomat Kofi Annan (born 1938) of Ghana is the seventh secretary-general of the United Nations and the first black African to head that organization.
Noted for his cautious, serene style of diplomacy, United Nations (UN) Secretary-General Kofi Annan is sometimes criticized for his soft-spokenness, which some say may be mistaken for weakness. But Annan abides by a lesson he learned back in his college days. Unused to the frigid winters of St. Paul, Minnesota, where he studied economics at Macalester College, he took one look at the local students and decided they looked ridiculous in their huge earmuffs. Then he took a walk around campus. When his ears froze, he went out and bought earmuffs. He said of that experience, as noted in U.S. News & World Report, "I learned an important lesson. You never walk into a situation and believe that you know better than the natives. You have to listen and look around. Otherwise you can make some very serious mistakes." As the head peacekeeping officer of the world's chief peace-keeping organization, mistakes are just what Annan wants to avoid.
Early Career
Kofi Atta Annan was born in Kumasi, in central Ghana, on April 8, 1938. Located between the Ivory Coast and Togo on the southern coast of west Africa, Ghana has been a republic within the British Commonwealth since 1960. Named for an African empire along the Niger River, it was ruled by Great Britain for 113 years as the Gold Coast. Annan is descended from tribal chiefs on both sides of his family. His father was an educated man, and Annan became accustomed to both traditional and modern ways of life. He has described himself as being "atribal in a tribal world."
After receiving his early education at a leading boarding school in Ghana, Annan attended the College of Science and Technology in the provincial capital of Kumasi. At the age of 20, he won a Ford Foundation scholarship for undergraduate studies at Macalester College in St. Paul, Minnesota, where he learned about economics and earmuffs. Even then he was showing signs of becoming a diplomat. As communications professor Roger Mosvick commented in U.S. News & World Report, "I don't think anyone on this planet has heard Kofi raise his voice in anger." Annan received his bachelor's degree in economics in 1961.
Shortly after completing his studies at Macalester College, Annan headed for Geneva where he attended the Institut Universitaire des Hautes Etudes Internationales for graduate classes in economics. A decade later, he became the Alfred P. Sloan fellow at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). At the end of his fellowship in 1972, he was awarded a master of science degree in management.
Following his graduate studies in Geneva, Annan joined the staff of the World Health Organization (WHO), a branch of the United Nations. He served as an administrative officer and as budget officer in Geneva. Later UN posts took him to Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, and New York City, New York. Annan had always assumed that he would return to his native land after college, although he was disturbed by the unrest and numerous overturns of government that occurred there during the 1970s. Rather than return to Ghana during this period, he accepted a position with UN headquarters in New York City. In 1974, he moved to Cairo, Egypt, as chief civilian personnel officer in the UN Emergency Force. Annan briefly changed careers in 1974 when he left the UN to serve as managing director of the Ghana Tourist Development Company.
Annan returned to international diplomacy and the UN in 1976, leaving the private sector permanently. For the next seven years, he was associated with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Geneva. He returned to the UN headquarters in New York City in 1983 as director of the budget in the financial services office. Later in the 1980s, he filled the post of assistant secretary-general in the Office of Human Resources Management and served as security coordinator for the United Nations. In 1990, he became assistant secretary-general for another department at the UN, the Office of Program Planning, Budget, and Finance. In fulfilling his duties to the United Nations, Annan has spent most of his adult life in the United States, specifically UN headquarters in New York.
Annan has filled a number of roles at the UN, ranging from peacekeeping to managerial, and the 1990s were no different. In 1990, he negotiated the release of hostages in Iraq following the invasion of Kuwait. Five years later, he oversaw the transition of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) to the multinational Implementation Force (IFOR). In this transfer of responsibility, operations in the former Yugoslavia were turned over to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Annan had been associated with the Office of Peace-keeping Operations since 1992. In 1993, he had been promoted to under-secretary-general of this office. In recognition of his abilities, Annan was appointed Secretary-General of the United Nations by the General Assembly in December of 1996. He began serving his four-year term of office on January 1, 1997.
Joining him in this new post was his second wife, former attorney Nane Lagergren. The secretary-general has been married twice, first to a woman from Nigeria, with whom he has two children. His second wife, Nane Lagergren, is from Sweden. She is the niece of the diplomat Raoul Wallenberg, who saved thousands of European Jews from the Nazis during World War II. Annan and Lagergren were married in 1985. The couple has one child.
Heading the UN
The post of Secretary-General of the United Nations has been called one of the world's "oddest jobs." According to the United Nations website, "Equal parts diplomat and activist, conciliator and provocateur, the Secretary-General stands before the world community as the very emblem of the United Nations. The task demands great vigour, sensitivity and imagination, to which the Secretary-General must add a tenacious sense of optimism-a belief that the ideals expressed in the Charter can be made a reality." The Secretary-General is the boss of 10,000 international civil servants and the chief administrator of a huge international parliamentary system.
In this post, Annan is expected to coordinate, although he does not control, the activities of such groups as the World Health Organization (WHO) and the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). He is also obliged to practice "preventive diplomacy," meaning he and his staff must try to prevent, contain, or defuse international disputes. Above all, Annan must try to maintain world peace. In an address to the National Press Club, Annan declared: "If war is the failure of diplomacy, then … diplomacy, both bilateral and multilateral, is our first line of defence. The world today spends billions preparing for war; shouldn't we spend a billion or two preparing for peace?"
Almost immediately after Annan's election came the question: Is this man just too nice a person for the job? His reputation for "soft-spokenness," according to U.S. News & World Report, could be mistaken for weakness. National Review contributor Stefan Halper, however, called Annan a "subtle and capable presence" with "an extraordinary feel for the [United Nations]…. [H]is influence on world opinion, and hence his power, is striking." Another factor that made people question Annan's toughness was his involvement in the UN efforts at peacekeeping in Bosnia from 1992 to 1996. Despite the UN's presence, Bosnia remained the site of an ethnic war where thousands died. Sir Marrack Goulding, head of peace-keeping, once commented that Annan never expressed his doubts about the UN policy in a forceful manner. Annan disagreed, saying that he always pressed the involved countries-the United States, Britain, France, and Russia-to rethink their limited mandate on sending soldiers to the peace-keeping force. Not one to raise his voice in anger, Annan favored diplomacy. In a press conference in Baghdad in 1998, Annan noted: "You can do a lot with diplomacy, but of course you can do a lot more with diplomacy backed up by fairness and force."
All eyes turned to Annan and his handling of the touchy situation with Iraq in 1998. Early in that year, threats of war seemed all too real. Saddam Hussein, President of Iraq, was once again a threatening presence, refusing to let UN observers into certain areas of his country, as previously agreed upon, to check for illegal possession of chemical warfare items and the like. President Bill Clinton of the United States hinted strongly at the use of force to make Saddam comply. In his role as Secretary-General, Annan went to Iraq in February of 1998 to meet with the Iraqi leader. After talking with Annan, Saddam agreed to what he had refused before-unlimited UN access to the eight sites that he had previously called completely off-limits. Due to Annan's intervention, war was averted. "There were millions of people around the world rooting for a peaceful solution and praying for us-this is why in Baghdad I said you should never underestimate the power of prayer," declared Annan upon returning to UN headquarters that month, as noted on the UN website.
Annan's code of soft-spoken diplomacy was given a boost by the outcome of his talks with Saddam Hussein in 1998. United Nations observers wait to see how additional crises will be handled by the gentle but determined man from Ghana. As a long-time acquaintance of Annan commented to People, "He has in mind a goal: world peace."
Further Reading
Christian Century, April 1, 1998.
Maclean's, March 9, 1998.
Nation, March 16, 1998.
National Review, April 20, 1998.
New Republic, January 6, 1997.
Newsweek, March 9, 1998, pp. 28-32.
New York Times Magazine, March 29, 1998.
U.S. News & World Report, March 9, 1998, pp. 36-37; March 23, 1998.
"Kofi Annan," Newsmaker Profiles, CNN Interactive, http://www.cnn.com (May 14, 1998).
United Nations website, http://www.un.org (March 2, 1998).
Annan's address to the National Press Club, Washington, D.C., January 24, 1997.
Annan's joint press conference with Deputy Minister of Iraq Tariq Aziz, Baghdad, February 23, 1998.
Annan, Kofi
http://www.un.org/News/ossg/sg